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A TRIBUTE

FOR

THE NEGRO

WILSON AMISTEAD.

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" Truth, by its own sinews shftll prevail;
And in the coarse of HeaTen*s eroWing plan,
By TavTK M ADB FRKB the long scorned A Mean,-
His Maker's image radiant in his face, —
Among earth's noblest sons shall And his place."

■ 7.

C3\

BBINO

A VINDICATION

OF THB

MORAL, INTELLECTUAL, AND RELIftlOUS CAPABILITIES

€^ Colnmtit jnirtios of jS^anltis));

WITH PARTIGUUR RBFEREMCE TO THE AFRICAN RACE.

ILLUSTRATED BT

NUMSROUS BIOfiRAPHICiiL SSSTGHSSf

FACTS, ANECDOTES, ETC.

AND MANY

SITPBBIOB P0BTBAIT8 AVD BVOBAVIVOS.

BY WILSON ABMISTEAD.

^VIL,LIAM IRWIN, 39, OLDHAM STREET.

LONDON: CHARLES QILPIN, BISH0PS6ATE STREET.

AMEBICAN AGENT:
Wlf . EARNED, ANTI-SUYERY OFFICE, 61, JOHN STREET, NEW YORK ;

AKD VAT BB HAD Or

H. LONGSTRETH AND O. W. TAYLOR, PHILADELPHIA.

MANCHESTER :

PKIKTED BY WILLIAM IRWiy,

39, OLDHAM STREET.

JAMES W. C. PENNINGTON, FREDERICK DOUGLASS,

ALEXANDER CRUMMELL,

▲KB

UANY OTHER NOBLE EXAMPLES OF ELEVATED HUMANITY

IN THE NEGRO;

WHOM FULLER BEAUTIFULLY DESIGNATES

"THE IMAGE OF OOD CUT IN EBONY:"

THIS VOLUME,

DEMONSTRATINa, FROM FACTS AND TESTIMONIES,

THAT THE

WHITE AND DARK COLOURED RACES OF MAN

ARE ALIKE THE CHILDREN OF ONE HEAVENLY FATHER,

AND

IN ALL RESPECTS EQUALLY ENDOWED BY HIM ;

IS BESPECTFULLY INSCKIBED.

PREFACE.

In reviewing the history of maDkind, we may observe,
that very soon after the creation of our first parents in
innocence and happiness, sin and misery entered into the
world* The evils of life commenced in the earliest ages,
and subsequent history and experience testify, that in all
their variety of form and character, they have continued to
exist in every successive generation to the present time.

To combat these evils, by endeavouring to effect their
removal or correction, is the most pleasing and useful oc-
cupation in which we can engage ourselves. Providence
has wisely instituted, in every age and in every country, a
counteracting energy to diminish the crimes and miseries
of mankind, which the influences of Christianity have in-
creased, by unfolding to it the widest possible domain. ^'At
her command, wherever she has been fully acknowledged,
many of the evils of life have already fled. The prisoner
of war is no longer led into the amphitheatre to become a
gladiator, and to imbrue his hands in the blood of his
fellow-captive, for the sport of a thoughtless multitude.
The stem priest, cruel through fanaticism and custom, no
longer leads his fellow-creature to the altar, to sacrifice him
to fictitious gods. The venerable martyr, courageous
through faith and the sanctity of his life, is no longer hur-
ried to the flames. The haggard witch, poring over her
incantations by moonlight, no longer scatters her super-
stitious poison amongst her miserable neighbours, nor
suffers for her crime."

^nhtt.

So long as any of the evils of life shall remain, accom-
panied, as they must invariably be, with misery and guilt,
the Christian will feel himself impelled by an impulse of
duty to oppose them ; and his energies will be roused into
active resistance, in proportion to the magnitude of the
evil to be overcome.

The most extensive and extraordinary system of crime
the world ever witnessed, which has now been in operation
for several centuries, and which continues to exist in
unabated activity, is Negro Slavery. This hateful sys-
tem, involving a most incalculable amount of evil, and
entailing a measure of misery on the one hand, and guilt
on the other, beyond the powers of language to describe,
entitles its victims to the strongest claims on our sympathy.

" If, among the various races of mankind," says the
pious Richard Watson, " one is to be found which has
been treated with greater harshness by the rest — one whose
history is drawn with a deeper pencilling of injury and
wretchedness — that race, wherever found, is entitled to
the largest share of compassion ; especially of those, who,
in a period of past darkness and crime, have had so great
a share in inflicting this injustice. This, then, is the
Negro race — the most unfortunate of the family of man.
From age to age the existence of injuries may be traced
upon the simbumt continent ; and Africa is still the com-
mon plunder of every invader who has hardihood enough
to obdurate his heart against humanity, to drag his length-
ened lines of enchained captives through the deserts, or to
suffocate them in the holds of vessels destined to carry
them away into interminable captivity. Africa is annually
robbed" of Four Hundred Thousand "of her children.
Multiply this number by the ages through which this in-
jury has been protracted, and the amount appals and rends

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the heart. What an accumulation of misery and wrong !
Which of the sands of her deserts has not been steeped
in tears, wrung out by the pang of separation from
kindred and country ? And in what part of the world have
not her children been wasted by labours, and degraded
by oppressions ? "

The hapless victims of this revolting system are men of
the same origin as ourselves — of similar form and delinea-
tion of feature, though with a darker skin — men endowed
with minds equal in dignity, equal in capacity, and equal
in duration of existence — men of the same social disposi-
tions and aifections, and destined to occupy the same rank
in the great family of Man.

The supporters and advocates of Negro Slavery, however,
in order to justify their oppressive conduct, profess, either
in ignorance or affected philosophy, to doubt the African's
claim to humanity, alleging their incapacity, from inherent
defects in their mental constitution, to enjoy the blessings
of freedom, or to exercise those rights which are equally
bestowed by a beneficent Creator upon all his rational
creatures.

White men, civilized savages, armed with the power
which an improved society gives them, invade a distant
country, and destroy or make captive its inhabitants ; and
then, pointing to their colour, find their justification in
denying them to be men. A petty philosophy follows in
the train, and confirms the assumption by a specious theory
which would exclude the Negro from all title to humanity.
Thus would they strike millions out of the family of God,
the covenant of grace, and that brotherhood which the
Scriptures extend to the whole race of Adam.

The calumniators of the Negro race — those who have
robbed them of their lands, and still worse, of themselves —

^nfun*

delight to descant upon the inferiority of their victims,
withholding the fact, that they have been for ages exposed
to influences calculated to develope neither the moral nor
the intellectual faculties, but to destroy them. It may,
perhaps, be fairly questioned, whether any other people
could have endured the privations or the sufferings to which
they have been subjected, without becoming still more de~
graded in the scale of humanity ; for nothing has been left
undone, to cripple their intellects, to darken their minds,
to debase their moral nature, and to obliterate all traces
of their relationship to mankind ; yet, how wonderfully
have they sustained the mighty load of oppression under
which they have been groaning for centuries !

Prejudice and misinformation have, for a long series of
years, been fostered vdth unremitting assiduity by those
interested in upholding the Slave system — a party, whose
corrupt influence has enabled them to gain possession of
the public ear, and to abuse public credulity to an extent
not generally appreciated. In an age so distinguished for
benevolence, we can only thus account for the indifference
manifested towards this unfortunate race, and from the fact
that they are supposed to be in reality destined only for a
servile condition, entitled neither to liberty nor the legiti-
mate pursuit of happiness.

Has the Almighty, then, poured the tide of life through
the Negro's breast, animated it with a portion of his own
Spirit, and at the same time cursed him, that he is to be
struck off the list of rational beings, and placed on a level
with the brute ? Is his flesh marble, and are his sinews
iron, or his immortal spirit condemned, that he is doomed
to incessant toil, and to be subjected to a degradation,
bodily and mental, such as none other of the children of
Adam have ever endured ? Away for ever with an idea so

"^tthtt.

absurd ! The subjection of a large portion of mankind to
the domination and arbitrary will of another, is as unnatural
as it is contrary to the principles of justice, and repugnant
to the precepts and to the spirit of Christianity ; and in
the advancing circumstances of the world, nothing can
be more certain, than that Slavery must terminate. It
is a blot which can never remain amidst the glories of
Messiah's reign.

My present purpose is not to enter into a recital of the
horrors of the Slave system in any of its revolting details.
The secrets of the dreadful traffic are veiled in those coffin-
like spaces in the interior of Slave ships, in which the
wretched victims are packed as logs of wood, their limbs
loaded with manacles and chains, to be succeeded by the
scourgings of the cruel driver ! But I will forbear ; the
mind shudders at the idea of a serious discussion of deeds
so hateful, which no prospect of private gain, no considera-
tion of public advantage, no plea of expediency, can ever
justify.

The purport of the present volume, in contradistinction
to the idea of the Negro being designed only for a servile
condition, is to demonstrate that the Sable inhabitants of
Africa are capable of occupying a position in society very
superior to that which has been generally assigned to them,
and which they now mostly occupy ; — that they are pos-
sessed of intelligent and reflecting minds, and however
barren these may have been rendered by hard usage, and
have become indeed as "fountains sealed," that they are
still neither unwatered by the rivers of intellect, nor the pure
and gentle streams of natural affection. By a relation of
facts, principally of a biographical nature, many of them
now published for the first time, I hope to counteract that
deeply-rooted prejudice, the growth of centuries, which

:^nfiirB.

attaches itself to this despised race — facts which render a
practical negative to the imputation of inevitable infe-
riority; demonstrating^ on the other hand^ that, when
participating in equal advantages, they are not inferior
in natural capacity, or deficient of those intellectual and
amiable qualities which adorn and dignify human nature.

How far the attempt is successful must be left to the
reader's decision. Whether it result in convincing the
sceptical, or in confirming those already persuaded of the
truth of the position maintained, may it engender a more
lively feeling of brotherly sympathy towards this afflicted
people, by demonstrating them to be capable of every
generous and noble feeling, as well as of the higher attain-
ments of the human understanding. Once convinced of
this, we cannot contemplate with indifference their bodily
and mental sufferings, but rather desire that every barrier
may be removed which impedes their attaining to that
station in society which an all-wise and beneficent Creator
designed for them.

Should the facts recorded be deemed of too insulated a
nature to elucidate any general theory (most countries
having produced some individuals of unusual powers,
both of body and of mind), I may observe, that they are
only a fractional part of what might have been adduced.
I have still in reserve a mass of additional facts, teeming
with evidence the most unequivocal, that the Almighty
has not left the Negro destitute of those talents and capa-
bilities which he has bestowed upon all his intelligent
creatures, which, however modified by circumstances in
various cases, leave no section of the human family a right
to boast that it inherits, by birth, a superiority which might
not, in the course of events, be manifested and claimed
with equal justice by those whom they most despise.

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I should be wamtiDg in gratitude, were I to omit to
acknowledge the kindness of many friends who have aided
me during the progress of the work. Amongst these, I
may particularly mention Thomas Thompson, of Liver-
pool ; Thomas Scales,* and Thomas Harvey, of Leeds ;
Jacob Post, of London ; Edward Bickersteth,* Rector of
Watton; Joseph Sturge, of Birmingham; James Back-
house, of York; Thomas Winterbottom, M.D., North
Shields; Captain Wauchope, of the Royal Navy; with
many others. To Robert Hurnard, of Colchester, I am
indebted for a Narrative and several M.S. letters of Solo-
mon Bayley, of which I regret being able to avail myself
only to a limited extent. Nor should I omit a tribute of
thanks to my friend Bernard Barton, for his appropriate
Introductory Poem, which adds to the interest of the
volume.

I may also acknowledge having frequently availed myself
of the researches of Dr. Lawrence, and the more recent
ones of Dr. J. C. Prichard, whose work on the History of
Man is the ablest extant in any language.

I have also derived much information from the work of
the Abbe Gregoire, entitled " De la Litterature des

* The reader wiU observe, throughout the present rolume, except in the
first piate, engrayed under other auspices, an omission of the title of
** Bererend," usually applied to Ministers of the Gospel. It is far from
my wish to appear uncourteous ; but whilst esteeming the yirtuous and
the good of eveiy class, I feel a decided objection to the use of this title,
on the ground of its being one assigned to the Almighty himself, whose
name is Holy and Beverend. (Psalm cxi. 9.) It is to be regretted that
Christian ministers, servants of Him who "made himself of no reputation,"
should feel satisfied with this appellation being used, both in public and
private addresses, from their fellow-mortals. Neither the prophets of old,
nor the apostles, nor any of the immediate followers of Christ, however
eminent, required such an adulatory title, the tendency of which is, to
exalt the fallen creature rather than to honour the Divine Creator.

'g^

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XIV.

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Negres, ou Recherches sur leur Facultes Intellectuelles,
leur Qualites Morales, et leur Litterature," &c. I am
indebted to Thomas Thompson, of Liverpool, for this
scarce volume, who kindly presented me v^ith a copy of it,
which is rendered additionally valuable from its being one
presented by the Abbe in his own hand-writing to the
late William Phillips, of London. To Gerrit Smith of
Peterboro', U. S., I am also indebted for an English trans-
lation of the same, by D. B. Warden, Secretary of the
American Legation at Paris. This admirable work includes
a mass of information, the accuracy of which may be tho-
roughly relied upon, being the production of a man of
great erudition and rare virtues, well known in the
learned societies of his day. He was formerly Bishop of
Blois, a member of the Conservative Senate, of the Na-
tional Institute, the Royal Society of Gottingen, &c.

It was partially announced that a list of Subscribers
would be appended to the present volume, but as this
would have occupied nearly thirty pages, it was thought
preferable to extend the Biographical portion of the work,
which now exceeds by about one hundred pages the number
originally intended. The only object in publishing such a
list, would have been to afford a demonstration of the
feeling and interest existing on behalf of the oppressed
race. Suffice it to say, that it embraces nearly a thousand
of the most conspicuous characters in the walks of benevo-
lence and philanthropy, both in Great Britain and America,
including the Sovereign of the most enlightened country
of the world.

The proceeds arising from the sale of the " Tribute for
the Negro " will be appropriated for the benefit of the ^
Negro race. On this ground, as well as in consideration ^ ^^
of the primary design of the publication, the friends of

■^iF'fel

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humanity will be interested in promoting its circulation.
By so doing, they will advance the cause of freedom, by
establishing the claims of depressed, degraded, suffering,
and almost helpless millions.

It may be observed, that in making the Biographical
selection for this work, the author has been governed by
no sectarian prejudice. With due regard to the primary ob-
ject in view, he has embraced, in support of the proposition
maintained, all classes, irrespective of their particular re-
ligious tenets. The Episcopalian, the Presbyterian, the
Quaker, and the Moravian, are alike included, not even ex-
cepting the half-civilized barbarian, on whom the light has
but dimly shone. Whatever our own peculiar views may
be, charity compels us to believe that the virtuous and the
good are acceptable to the Universal Parent. A good life
is the soundest orthodoxy, and the most benevolent man
is the best Christian. Diversity of opinion is not a bar to
the favour of Heaven, and it ought not to operate to the
prejudice of our neighbour. We ought rather to bear and
forbear with each other, remembering that the Sacred
Mount of Divine Mercy is open alike to every humble
traveller — " God is no respecter of persons ; but in every
nation, he that feareth him, and worketh righteous-
ness, is accepted with him." 'Tis these that constitute the
" countless myriads " that shall be gathered from " all
nations, kindreds, and tongues," to ascribe, throughout
the boundless ages of eternity, hallelujahs and songs of
incessant praise before the tlirone of the King Supreme.

Having now completed my undertaking, after soliciting
the Divine blessing upon it, I bequeath it as a legacy to
the injured and oppressed. Though the design of the pub-
lication will, I trust, be deemed a sufficient apology for its
appearance, I am prepared for a diversity of sentiment

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being expressed as to its propriety or necessity. I should
count myself unworthy the name of a man or a Christian,
if the calumnies of the bad, or even the disapprobation of
the well-disposed, had deterred me from the performance of
that which a feeling of duty prompted me to undertake. I
court no man*s applause, neither do I fear any man's frown.
Conscious of many imperfections, I feel thankful in having
completed this humble '* Tribute *' in aid of the cause of
Freedom, Justice, and Humanity ; and it will be a satis-
faction to reflect, that a portion of my time has been em-
ployed on behalf of the most oppressed portion of our race,
at leiut with a design to promote their welfare.

W. A.

Leeds, lOth Month, 1848.

CONTENTS.

\Hxi fit±

AN INQUIBT INTO THE CLAIMS OF THE NEGRO RACE TO
HUMANITY, AND A VINDICATION OP THEIR ORIGINAL
EQUALITY WITH THE OTHER PORTIONS OP MANKIND :
WITH A FEW OBSERVATIONS ON THE INALIENABLE
JtlGHTS OF MAN; THE SIN OP SLAVERY, Ac., &o.

CHAPTER I.— PA68 3.

Sin of SlBvery — ^Deluaion respeoting the moral and intelleotiial capacity
of the Negro— An important question — ^To despise a fellow-being on
account of any external pecnliarity, a sin — Christianity the mani-
festation of uniyersal Ioyc — Inquiry into the causes of the diversity
characterising yarious nations and people — ^Analogous in animals —
Connection between the physiological, moral, and intellectual char-
acters in Man — The diyersities trifling in compsiison with those
attributes in which they agree — Nothing to warrant us in referring
to any particular race an insurmountable deficiency in fEunilties—
Scripture testimony to unity of origin in the human race.

CHAPTER II.—PA6S 17.

The idea that moral and intellectual inferiority are inseparable from a
coloured skin, a fallacious one— Refuted by &ct8 — Apparent in-
fioriority of the Negro accounted for— Extent and pernicious conse-
quences of Slayery and the Slaye Trade — Preyent the ciyilization of
the Negro— The same effects obseryable on any people under similar
treatment — ^Instanced in European Slayee — Loose his shackles, and
the Negro will soon refute the calumnies raised against him.

CHAPTER III.— PAGE 26.

False Theory of Rousseau and Lord Kaimes — Injurious to the best in-
terests of humanity, and contrary to Scripture — Injuries done to
the Negro on the ground of inferiority — Shocking effects resulting
from this idea — Ciyiliced nations before the Christian era — Romans,
and their ancestors — Our own — ^Anecdote rdated by Dr. Philip —

CntttftttH.

Bemarks of Cicero respecting them — Christian guilt towards Abori-
gines — Dr. Johnson on European conquest — Slavery justified by
representing the Negro a distinct species — And even a brute — Argu-
ments of Long — Strange book published at Charleston — Chambers*
reply — Inferiority ascribed to other races — The Esquimaux — The
whole refuted by Dr. Lawrence.

CHAPTER IY.-PA6E 43.

Deduction of an affinity between the Kegro and the brute creation, a
mere subterfuge — European physiognomy often similar to the Kegro's
— Blumenbaoh*s Negro craniss — Imperceptible gradations of one
race into another — Further analogies in animals — Effects of the
civilizing process in improving the form of the head and features —
Exemplifications — Illustrated in the cose of Kaspar Hauser — Testi-
mony of Dr. Philip — Dr. Knox on Negro cranio — His important
conclusion — ^Dr. Tiedemau*s experiments — Conclusive observations
of Blumenbach — And others — The civilization of many African na-
tions superior to that of European Aborigines — No deviations in the
races of Man sufficient to constitute distinct species — Departures
from the general rule accounted for — Equal variations observable in
our own country — ^Remarkably exemplified in Ireland.

CHAPTER T.-PA6I 56.

Complexion the most obvious external distinction in Man — Analogous
in animals — Chief cause of diversity of Colour — ^Peculiarities of
Structure and Complexion become hereditary — Illustrations — In the
House of Austria — GDhe GKpsies — Jews — Persons of the same blood
— ^Amongst the great and noble — ^The Colour of Man not always
corresponding with Climate explained — Persistency of Colour not
ao great as supposed — Instances of Negroes becoming light-coloured
— Of Whites who have become black — True Whites bom among the
Black races — If Colour is a mark of inferiority in Man, it attaches
a stigma to a great portion of the inhabitants of the world — The
Hindoos — ^Their learning two thousand years ago — Natives of Terra
del Fuego much lighter than the Negro, but inferior in the scale of
intelligence — Colour of the Negro a mercifixl provision — Dr. Cop-
land's remarks on this subject— The inquiry into Unity of Species ad-
mirably summed up by Buffbn.

CHAPTER VI.-PA6E 72.

Not in external Characteristics alone that Man is pre-eminently distin-
guished — ^Uniform traits in human nature — Superior Psychical en-
dowments— Beason and intellect — Universal belief in a Supreme

I I

€nninU.

Being — And ideas of his attribates, &c. — Prevalence of similar
inherent ideas amongst the yarious Negro tribes — They possess the
same internal principles as the rest of mankind — A portion of that
Spirit which is implanted in the heart of " eyery man " — Further
coincidence when converted to Christianity — Early attempt to con-
vert the Slaves of the Caribbee Islands — Its singular success ; as
also in other Islands — Subsequently in Africa and the West Indies
— ^Ailer restoring to the Negro his rightful liberties, it is our duty
to promote the cultivation of his moral and religious fiunilties — Final
blending of all the yarious tribes in harmony.

CHAPTBB TIL— PAGE 81.

Deep-rooted prejudice to eradicate respecting Colour in Man — ^Less m
Europe than in the New World — Evinced in the case of Douglass —
National expression of sympathy for him from the British public —
The **DonoLASS TssTiicoirrAL " — British Christians respect the
Divine image alike in ebony and ivory — Effects of prejudice in South
Africa — Americans deeply implicated in this feeling — Have an
interest in keeping it up — Strongest in the Free States — Several
instances of its nature and extent — Circumstance exhibiting a striking
contrast in favour of the Sable race — Further effects of prejudice —
Public opinion on this subject yery strong in the United States.

CHAPTSB YIII.— PA68 92.

Beeidt of the idea of inferiority in the Negro race a prolongation of
their oppression — Unequal rights and privileges— Their tendency —
Human beings possess certain inalienable rights — All men created
equal — ^Acknowledgment of this great doctrine in the American De-
claration of Independence— Slavery a stain on the glory of America —
A lie to the Declaration of the Federal Constitution — Columbia may
yet redeem her character — ^No new laws required — Only that all
should be placed on an equality — No exemption of the Negro /rot»
law, but should ei^oy its protection — Observations on equitable laws
— Justice always the truest policy — ^America called to a great and
noble deed — Address to Columbia.

CHAPTER IX.— PAGE 99.

Pernicious influence of Slavery — Those brought up in the midst of it
unconscious of its evils — Deoeptiveness of the '* Sla^yebt Optio
GiiABS " — The products and gains of oppression tainted — Nothing
can sanction violence and injustice — To prosper by crime, a great
calamity — Melancholy situation of those implicated in Slavery —
Plea of the necessity of coercion -Negroes represented as most

— <a

L«MJ*

(C^inttnts.

degenerate and ungOTernable — This aooounted for — ^Demoralizing
effects of Slayery — ^When its asperities haye been mitigated, yarious
latent yirtues and good qualities haye been brought into exercise.

CHAPTER X.~PAOI 105.

To form a just estimate of the Negro character, we must obserye him
under more iayourable circumstances than those of Slayerj — State-
ments of Trayellers who haye yisited Africa, describing the natiyes
as yirtuous, intelligent, &c. — GDheir ingenuity — darkson's interyiew
with the Emperor of Bussia — ^His surprise at their proficiencj —
Wadstrom*s testimony before the House of Commons — Many other
testimonies — X)r. Channing says, ** we are holding in bondage one
of the best races of the human family."

CHAPTBB II.— PAGE 120.

The African race examined in an Intellectual point of yiew — Their origin
and noble ancestry — Ethiopians and Egyptians considered — ^Negroes
haye arriyed at considerable intellectual attainments, and haye dis-
tinguished themselyes yariously — ^Exemplified in Amo — State of
learning at Timbuctoo in the sixteenth century — Many other in-
stances of their intellectual attainments — Further testimony of
Blumenbach to their capacity for scientific cultiyation — Corrobora-
tiye eyidences — Demonstration of Negro capabilities in liying wit-
nesses — The highest offices of State in Brazil filled by Blacks —
Coloured Boman Catholic Clergy — Lawyers — Physicians — Dr.
Wright's testimony to the capabilities and intellect of the Negro.

CHAPTER XII.— PAGE 144.

The foregoing facts afford unquestionable evidence of the capabilities of the
Negro— Their desire for improyement — Obstacles to this — Inyidious
distinctions — Effects of Slayery — The improyidenoe, indolence, &c.,
ascribed to the Negro, considered — Testimony of Dr. Lloyd —
Similar charges brought against the ancient Britons — Bussians a
centuty ago — Admitting eyery thing in fayour of distinct races, all are
capable of great improyement — ^Eyents in St. Domingo — Improye*
ment in Negroes brought to Europe — Comparisons — Effects of Edu-
cation, &c. — Fact related by Dr. Horn — MHiite races liable to relapse
into barbarism — Instances of retrogression in Whites — The Greeks
and Romans— Case of Charlotte Stanley — Ciyilization a yague and ^ ' ^
indefinite term — ^Bemarkable instance of retrogression in America —
Progression in the Negro defended on the same ground — Time re-
quired—Accelerated in proportion as impediments are remoyed.

CnntntB.

CHAPTER XIII.-PAGS 162.

Refutation of the plea of ooeroion being necessary for the Negro— Palliated
bj representing him as deficient in the finer feelings —This also refuted
— Testimony of Captain Bainsford— Bemarks of Dr. Philip— The
Negro represented to be under a Divine anathema — Observations of
Bichard Watson on this subject —Befuted on Christian grounds —
All tribes stretching out their hands unto GK>d -Besults of mis-
sionary labours — Facts evincing the progress of the Negro in virtue
and religion— Instances illustrative of the highest religious suscepti-
bilities — Testimony of a Wesleyan Missionary ~ Such evidences
very conclusive — ^Beautiful remarks by Bichard Watson.

GHIPTBR XIY.— PIGS 173.

Slavery considered — A violation of the rights of Man — Bemarks of Milton
— Condemned by Pope Leo X.— Bemarks of Bishop Warburton—
How can Christians continue to be its upholders ? — Ghiilt of Britons
and Americans — Expiation of owr sin by a noble sacrifice — ^We can
never repay the debt we owe to Africa — White Man instilling into
those he calls " wanctges " a despicable opinion of human nature —
We practice what we should exclaim against — ^No tangible plea for
Slavery— Criminal to remain silent spectators of its crimes — We
cannot plead ignorance — Seven nulliona of human beings now in
Slavery — Four hundred thousand annually torn from Africa —
Slavery a monstrous crime « A robbery perpetrated on the very
sanctuary of man's rational nature — A sin against G-od —America's
foul blot — Slaves represented as happy — ^Bemarks on this.

CHAPTER XY.-PAGS 181.

Sources of the calumnious charges against the Negro — ^Their character only
partially represented— Applicable remarks of Plutarch -Perverted
accounts of travellers to be guarded against — Opportunities of
actual observation limited — Importance of authentic facts — They
prove that all mankind are equally endowed, irrespective of Colour
or of clime — Compassion for a sufferer heightened by youth, beauty,
and rank — As in Mary, Queen of Scots — No incompatibility between
Negro organization and intellectual powers— To demonstrate this the
design of the work— The author, in selecting instances for this pur-
pose, has been more thoroughly impressed with its truth — Negroes
only require freedom, education, and good government, to equal any
people— Expression of sympathy for the oppressed race of Africa.

CONTENTS.

I^flrt $tnvih.

BIOaSAPHIGAL SKBTOHES OF AFRICANS, OB THBIB DE-
BOENDANTS; WITH TESTIMONIES OF TBAYBLLEBS,
MISSIONABIES, &o. BESPEGTINa THEM.

Oulttdab. Equiaito, or Oustayttb Yabba Eit Neurrative 19

Dedicates his NarratiTe to the British Parliament— Stolen from AfHca — Sent to
Virginia, and sold into Slavery — Purchases his freedom — Remains in his mas>
ter's service^Voyaga to Montaenrat, Oeoigia, ice, — Obtainn his discbai|{e —
Sails for London— Aca>mpanies an expedition to explore a North-West passage
— Religious impressions — Incidents connected therewith— Voyage to Cadis —
Further Religious impressions — Perilous situation in a second voyage to Cadis
— Providential dellTeranee — ^Aooompanies Dr. Irving to Jamaica— Sails for
Europe again— Grievously imposed upon-^Arrives in England— Enters into the
service of Governor Mo Namara — Proposal for him to go out as a Missionary to
Africa — Memorial to the Bishop of London — The Bishop declines to ordain him
—Sails for New York— Returns to London— Satis for Philadelphia— With other
Africans, preseoto an address of thanks to the Quakers in London — Appointed
a Government Commissary in an expedition to Sierra Leone— Inddenta con-
nected therewith — Memorial to the Lords' Commissioners of the Treasury —
Presents a Petition to the Queen --Concluding remarks to his Narrative.

Job Ben SollimaK; an African Prinoe AhhS Qrigoire 239

Sadiki; a Learned Slave MaddetCt WeH Indies ... 241

Redeemed hy Dr. Madden— Writes a history of his life in Arable.

TESTiMOinr op CAPTAnr ^jjxisqtov FarHcularJProvidettoe.., 249

Intelligent Free Blacks at Sierra Leone— The Timinl, Sooso, and Mandingo
Nations— The Kroomen.

Flaoido The Seraldo," S^. 252

A Slave of great natural genius— Seiaed for Conq[»incy— His great fortitude-
Composes a beautiftil Poem — Recites it when proceeding to execution.

The Happy Neobo Andrew 8earle*» Life... 266

His remarkable religious experience.

BiCHABD CooPXB Society of Friends 269

Testimony Bespxcting the Bushmen FhUip's Sesearohes 261

With several interesting examples.
Anthony Whjuak Amo; a Learned ISfegtoAbbS QrSffoire 265

Studies at Halle— Skilled in several Languages— Publishes Dissertetiona, &c ,

in Latin— Made a Doctor of the UniTeraity of Wittemburg^And Counsellor of

State by the Court of Berlin.
TorsSAiNT L'OuTEBTUBE Biog. Umversdlef Sfc..,. 267

Bom a Slave in St. Domingo— Of thorough Negro descentr— His good qualities

Cnnttsts.

obtain kind treatment— A ocidentol acquirement of knowledge— Inaurvectioii of
the Negroes of St. Domingo— Touuaint reftiaei, for some time, to take part in
it— Finally Joine the rerolt— Noble conduct in flnt securing the safety of his ]
master and Ikmily — Altar ▼arious struggles, becomes Commander in Chief of
the French forces — Prosperity of the Island under his command— Anecdote
characteristic of his integrity- Assumes the title of President— Forms a new
Constitution — ^The excellencies of his character unfolded— His remarkable ac-
tivity — Description of him by one of his enemies— Captain Ralnsford's remarks
respecting him— Incident exemplifying his integrity — Attains the highest point
of his prosperity — Buonaparte's alarm — Sends an expedition to St. Domingo-
Slaughter of Blacks — Affecting incidents — ^Toussaint arrested by treachery —
Taken captire to France— Imprisoned and destroyed by severe treatment— Un*
donbtedly a remarkable man.

QrniSMq;uvj!fT UiBTX>UYov8T,J>oursQO,.. Facts of Siitofy 299

Dessalines, Christophe, and Petion, suoeessive Negro Qoremors— Social con-
dition of.

NonoxoF A Soir OF ToirssAiirT IrishFriend 306

GsoffbetL'Islbt JbhS Or^oire 807

A Mulatto Officer of Artillery — Correspondent of the French Academy of Sci-
ences—Executes Maps and Plans, and keeps a Meteorological Journal— Versed
in Botany, Natural Philosophy, Zoology, and Astronomy.

Kafib Gknxbositt Fringle' 9 African Sheie^es... 808

J. E. J. CAPrnenr AlibS (Mgoire 809

A Negro bom in Africa — Brought to Europe, and educated in Holland — Studied
languages, ftc. at the Hague — Took his degrees, and returned as a Christian
Minister to Africar- Writes an Elegy in I«atin— Publishes Dissertations, ftc.

Chbistiait Kindnsss xk an AFSiCAir...Jfo/r<'^ 81^2

Otbsxslo A]M Or4ffoire 313

Writes an eloquent Essay against the Slavery of his raee.
Jakes Dbshax JhhS OrSgoir^ 815

Originally a Slave— Becomes one of the most distinguished physicians at New

Orleans.

AKSCl>0TB0FTW0NlOB0X8INFBAH0X...Jf0^« 5JtrefeA«9 816

Kindness of a Colovbes Femalx HUiory of Sajfti 317

Thomas Jenkins; an African Prinoa,..CAaffid0r«^« JfiMwOaf^ 817

Sent to England by Captain Swanston to educate— The Captain dying, the
Negro is thrown on the world— Eager pursuit of knowledge— Instructs him-
self in Latin and Greek — ^His religious impressions— Offers himself aa a school-
maetei^Examined and accepted— Difficulties frvm pr^udioe against colour-*
Final snocess Spends a winter at college— Goes aa a Mistionary to the Mauri-
tius, and attains eminence as a teacher.

KoncE OF AN iNTELLiaENT Kbqbo. . . Cop^oiis Wamokope^ U, N, . . . 328

Negbo Chabactbb and Abujtt Capktm Wauckope, J2. JV. ... 824

Hospitable I^EQEO "Woman ParJI^t TSravel* 827

Her kindness to the weary travellei^Song composed by Negroes extempore—
BeautiAiUy yersifled- Remarks by Dr. Madden.

Attobah Cugoano Jhhi GhrSgovre 329

Bom in Africa and stolen for a Slave— Libezated by Lord Both — An Italian
author praises this Negro— His piety, modesty, integrity, and talents— Pub-
lishes Reflections on the Slave Trade.

€uin\s.

331

332

348

360

WiLUAM Hamilton Stwye ^ Sarvey*9 W. Indies,

Formerly a Slave in Jamaicar-Suffer* for attending a place of worship —Learns
to read and write by stealth— Keeps a Journal— Purchases his freedom for £209.

Phillis Wheatlet Her Works

A Negress stolen from Africa and sent to Boston— Bought by a lady to attend
her in old age— Exhibited extraordinary intelligence — Soon learned to read and
write — Became an object of astonishment — Her literary acquirements — Studied
Latin— Wrote and published thirty-nine poems — Several specimens of her poeti-
cal talent — Is liberated — Visit to England- Moved in first circles of society — A
proof of what education can effect in the Negro.

JOHK KiZELL Anecdotes of Africans

A Negro— Taken as a Slave to Charlestown— Sent to Sierra Leone, and employed
in uegoeiations with native Chiefs.

Benjamin Bannekeb AbhS ChrSgoire et Passiom

Of pure African descent — Makes astronomical calculations— And publisbee
almanacs at Philadelphia— U is letter to the President of the United States —
The President's answer.

Faith ov a Poob Blind Neobo Mott's Biog. Sketches

A Pious and Enlightened Kafib Philip's Researches

Intelligent and Eloquent Kafib ") xw— /v. v«^..^&^.

Captivb Female j ...Pnnffles Mesearehes

Jan Tzatzob ; a Christian Kafir Chief. . . Christian Keepsake

His parentage — Is received into the Missionary School at Bethelsdorp — Strong
religious impressions — ^Travels with the Missionary Williams — Acts as inter-
preter to Lord Somerset — Renders valuable aid in establishing thn Mission at
Wesleyville — Restrains his tribe ^m war — Deprived of his hereditary lands,
and driven into the wilderness- With Andrles Stoffles, a Hottentot, visits Great
Britain to procure compensation, and to solicit assistance in promoting the
moral and spiritual improvement of his countrymen — Notorious facts—Exam-
ined before a select Committee of the House of Commons— Extracts Arom the
printed evidence — ^Very explicit and coDcIusive->Addreas of Stoffles at Exeter
Hall— Testimony of E. Baines, M. P., on the occasion— Restitution awarded
him— Returns to AArica-— Visited by James Backhouse— High testimony respect-
ing him— Lines by T. Pringle.

ATOBiB8STOM^ffl^.0hri8ti«iHot.> jf,„i,„^ MagooMt.lSaS. 374

His early life and conversion— Testifies of the Grace of God to his countrymen
—His impressive manner— Imprisoned for preaching — Preaches to his fellow-
prisoners — His valuable assistance to Missionaries— Formation of thesettlement
of Kat River— Embarks for England— His eloquent and animated addresses
His health declines and he returns to Africa— His happy death— His personal
appearance .

Extbact op a Lbtteb pbom John "J • . , xi^^j

856
356

357

859

Candleb )

Gbateful Slaves Madden's Westlndies

Simeon Wilhelm Bickersteth's Memoir

Bom in Africa— Received into the Missionary School at Bashia— His teachable,
gentle, and affectionate disposition— Accompanies E. Bickersteth to England —
His education under the VicarofPakefleld— His health suffers— High testimony
respecting him— Makes considerable progress in learning Arabic — Begins Latin
— Powerftil influence of Divine Grace exemplified in him— His decease.

Louis Desboulbaux Bajfna:Cs European Set,

880

881
882

^6"^

ContfutB*

A confidential Slave— Purchases his freedom— Remarkable gratitude to his
former master.

Pbince Gaoaitoha Acqua Communicated 888

A son of an AfHcan King — After some singular incidents he arrives in England
— Meets with kind friends in London — His admiration and astonishment in
viewing the metropolis- Highly appreciates European knowledge — His^ account
of the mode of procuring Slaves — Oradations by which intelligence occupied his
former ignorance and superstition — ^Visit to the British Museum — Progress of
his religious acquirements — Introduced to Lord John Russell and T. F. Buxton
—The lattmr presents him with a writing case — ^The inscription upon it — His sense
of the evils of Slavery —Scientific men much admired the organic structure of his
head — Returns to Africa — Subsequent gratifying particulars respecting him.

Bevoit the Black Ahhi QrSgoire 397

Eminent for an assemblage of virtues.

BsNJAMnr CocHBAKE MaddeiCs WeH Indies 397

A skilful N^ro Doctor in Jamaica — Learned Mandingo Negroes — A Koran
written from memory by one of them.

BosBTTA Anti'Sflawry Seporter 399

A remarkable Narrative, evincing that the Negro character is not devoid of
humanity or magnanimity when fairly tested.

DlgraTEBBSTEDTESTIMOKYTONEOaO") t»^t.^ t^^** At\A

Ability AKD Faithfulness j Robert JaunU 404

Alexasdbb Petion Belchambe/sBiog.Die.S^c, ... 406

A dark Mulatto— President of H ayti— Educated in the Military School of Paris
— A skilful engineer— A man of fine talents — ^Unfortunate in his government —
Candler's testimony respecting him — Interesting and pleasing anecdote.

Jambs W. C. PsNiONeTOK Commumcaied 406

Minister of a Presbyterian Church in New York— A fugitive from Slavery— His
birth and parentage — Escapes from Slavery— Sheltered atthehouseofaQuaker
in Pennsylvania— Who gives him some instruction — Teaches a school near
Flushing — ^Religions impressions— Desires to become a minister — ^Studies at the
Theo]<vicaI Seminary at New Haven— Preaches eight years at Hartford-
Elected to a seat in various Conventions — Deputed to attend at the World's
Anti-Slavery Convention in London ; also the World's Peace Convention — Takes
part in them— Preaches in many chapels in England— Supplies the pulpits of
some of the most popular ministers — Favourably received on his return to
America — Presides over an assembly of Whites — Examines candidates in
Church History, Theology, &c. — His publications->Refr)tes cahimny before a
large audience of Whites.

iGNATiirs Sancho W4 Life and Letters 410

Bom on board a Slave-ship— Taken to England and presented to three ladies —
The Duke of Montague admires and takes an interest in him — On the death
of the Duke the Duchess admits him into her household — Marries and com>
mences bosineM— Gains the public esteem — ^Applies himself to study— His re-
putation as a wit and humourist— Two volumes of his letters published —
Exhibit considerable epistolary talent, rapid and Just conception, and universal
philanthropy— Extracts from several of them— Interested in the unfortunate
Dr. Dodd— Writes on his behalf— Addresses Sterne— Sterne's reply— Concluding
observations.

Eta Babtbls Shato'e SoiU^ Africa 426

A Mulatto woman of South Africa — Her conversion — An example of piety—
Zealous in inviting and bringing others to grace.

€utnis.

John Mobblt Hartford Ckmremi :

Well known for indostiy, prudence, and integrity— Devotee his property to

cluurltable ol^ects.
Nanot PiTOHTOSD Sartfbfd CouTomi 427

L<>TT Cabey Mott: — Chamben 427

Bom e Slave In Virginia^-Ezceesively profkne — Becomes awakened — learns
to read and write — His business abilities— Often rewarded with presents— Saves
850 doHlars, and purchases his fireedom and that of two of hts children — Aftet^
wards of his family— Purchases land in Richmond— Devotes bis leisure to
reading — Interest in African Missions— Goes out to Sierra Leone—Substance of
his farewell sermon— Death of his second wife — ^Wide field of usefulness— His
great abilities place him in a station of influence — Description of him by an
American writer^Relieves the suflbrings of the early emigrants— Makes liberal
sacrifices of property and time — Acts as physician— Made health Officer and
General Inspector— His melancholy death from an explosion— Proof that Blacks
are not destitute of moral worth and innate genius.

Testimokt of Joseph Stubos ConmrniicaUd 431

Respecting the Intellectual Powers of the Negro— Comparison between Black
or Coloured and White children.

CoBKELius Sohne*9 Moravian Missiont ... 483

A Negro assistant Missionary in St Thomas — His conversion and progress in
religion — Christian address to his children on his death bed.

MoBAViAN Missions Oldendorp 436

Amongst the Negroes of the West Indies — Opposition to the conversion of the
Negroes— Visit of Count Zinzondorf— He returns to Europe — His appeal to the
Danish Government— Negroes addresses to the King and Queen of Denmark —
The Count takes one of the Negroes to visit the German Churches — Particulars
respecting David, Abraham, and others of the Black assistant Missiooaries
—Susanna Jaos— Peter and Abraham— Their evangelical dtsoounes— Abfm<
ham's melancholy death— His steadfastness.

Intbllioent Afbicans Effidence htfore Meet Com. ... 441

A Nbobo Slave and Poet Em lAfe In/ Dr, Madden 442

Composes verses at the age of twelve— Cruel treatment — Made a mere automaton
I<eams to draw— Melancholy events— His sufferings— Trust in God— Treated
with greater kindness — Pursuit of knowledgo under difficulties — Effects his
escape from Slavery — Specimens of his Poems translated from the Spanish —
To Calumny— Religion— The Firefly— The Dream, frc.

Fbbdebice Douglass Hit Narrative 454

Bom a Slave— Effects his escape— Writes his Narrative — Remark on it— His
feelings at the chance of being one day free— His intellectual capabilities— An
eloquent public speaker.

Neobo Ohabaoteb and Ability Dr. Winterhottom 467

Dr.Winterbottom's opportunities of observing N«gro character in Africar-Tbeir
benevolence and hospitality— Mental powers— Some extremely intelligent.

SUANA ; a Kafir Chief PkiUp's SeeeardUe 459

An enlightened Christlaii— His happy death— Was a poet— Spechnen of hia
abilities— Translation.

Jasmin Thoitmazeau Motfe BioffrapUcal Sketekee 460

Bom in AfHca— Sold as a Slave to St. Domingo— Obtains his freedom— Ettab-
lishes a Hospital for Negroes- Medals decreed to him.

PAxniOirEPB Memoir hjf W. A 461

An intelligent, enterprising, and benevolent Negro— His father stolen tnm

1 1

t'l

€itin\i.

Afrlea— 4old into SIsTer^— ParchasM hU freedom and a farm of 100
Paul pursuee knowledge under diffleultiM— His natural talenta— 'Petition the
Legislatnreonbehalf of the Free Negro popnlation^Tliey receive equal priTl-
]«ge8 in oottiequenoe— Increases his propertj—Owns Teseels, houses, and land
—Anecdote UlustratiTeof prejudice— His good conduct removes it— Establishes
a public school at his own eiq»ense — Joins the Society of Prieads—BeemneB a
pi«acher amongst them— Teaches Navigation-— His intsgilty— Mouxms over Am
condition of his AfHcaa brethren — ^Visits SienraLeooo— Buggests improvemaiits
in the eoloay — Instftotes a Society fiir promoting the interests of its memben
and the colonlstt— Epistle issued by it— He visits England at the inviUtion of
the African Insdtation— Good conduct of tlie Colontad eiew at Liverpool-
African Institution acquiesce In Paul's plans— Authorise him to carry Free Ne-
groes from America to Sierra Leone to instruct the Colonists— Visits Sierra
Leone again— Thence to America— His joyftd welcome there— Could not rest at
ease whilst thinking of the sufferings and degradation of his CsUow>creatufas—
Prepares finr another voyage to Sierra Leone— Presented by the American war
—Improves and mstares his plans— Sails with 38 Afkieans to Sianra Leone-
Proof of Us sea] for the welfare of his race— EKpeuds from his private Aiads
4000 dollan Ibr the baneOt of the Colony— ^nuit of land from tbm Goveraiw—
Paul's addmas to the Negro e s His final departure fiir Amariesr— An alBwting
scene— Seised with » eemplaiitt wliich proves fiital in 18L7-4keteh of his cha-
racter by Petsr William*— Hli remarkably happy clcea— Testimooy of an
American papeg— Concluding remarks.

1Sxt«4OT0.aL««b mokMa«t-> j^^j^.j^ ^yg

LAND. )

Respecting two libemtvd Sl a vse B emarkable proofr of their gratitude.

Abhton Wabnib Bm NarraHw 477

A Slave in St Vincent's — His ft«edom purchased by Daphne Crosbie, a bene-
volent Negress — He is re-enslaved — Asserts his independence — Makes his es-
cape—Arrives in England, and writes his Narrative— Though uneducated, very
intelligent— Destitution and the climate prove fktal — Dies in London — His r»-
nuu-ks on Slavery— Testimony respecting him.

Albxanbsb GBTrMUBLL CommwitUuxted 479

Of pine African parentage — One of the only four episcopal Coloured clexgymen
in the United Statee— Remarkable example ofwhat the African can become by
cultivation— Extracts from his Eulogy on the Life and Character of Clarkson—
Abounds in pathos and rich touches of eloq u e nce V ishs England— Addressee
meeting of Anti-Slavery Society— Preaches in St Oeoige^s Church, Bverlon-
Paitieulais of ttisoeoaaion 'Rketeh ef his sennon— A IMag proof of the oapa-
bUity of the African.

AmKBtya-^woMXtn ^ -Bis^-^ j,,^^ ^ ^^^,^1 ^

Tviiuraas. )

Habobsi; the BsOHVAiTA BoY FfingU^t AJHoon Sketches ... 491

An mphan boy, ten years ol age, stolen by banditti — Falls under Pringle's pro-
tectkm— His aibcting story immoxtaliaed by Prlngle, in a beautifrd and touch-
ing poem— Accompanies Priogle to England— An interesting and remarkahie
youth— His religious feelings— His death.

BXTBAOBDXJTABT FIDELITY OB A. \

Nceso Bar. jJrM&JVMnil

The Ami8Tai> Oaptives Simrge'e United Statee, ^e,

AlMcans from the Mendi country— Overcome the crew of the Slaver— The vessel
brought into Newhaven— They are lodged in Jail-«Interest excited in their be-
half— ^Their cruel treatment— Finally become liberited-^Their progress in

i'tninis.

learning— Their excursion through the States— Impression made — Fund raised
to convey them home with Missionaries— Cinque— A remarkable man — Sturge's
account of these Africans — Their superior intellect — Belief in a Supreme Being
— Embark for Sierra Leone.

Testimovy OP Db. Thompson Parliament, Beport 502

LiAWBLLYV CupiDO MiCHSLLB Jomes Backhoute 503

A descendant of a Hottentot chief— Received into a Missionary School — His
amiable disposition— Early religious impresNions— Brought to England to
educate— Enters the family of James Backhouse^-His health declines rapidly
— Influence of divine grace exemplified in him — His happy close.

The G-BATEPUL Neobo MotVs Biog.Skelche$ 505

The Faithpul Neqbbss Idem 506

Pbaucis Williams Ahh4 QrSgoire 507

Bom of AfHcan parentsin Jamaica— Duke of Montague struck with histalitntt—
Sent to England to educate— Publishes a poem — Returns to Jamaica— Teaches
a School— Composes poems in Latin— A specimen of one addressed to the
Governor of Jamaicar— Translated into French by Abb£ Oregoire— Into English
by Long, and versified- Just observations of the Dean of Middleham.

Hevbt H. Qabnbtt Communicated 510

Bom in Maryland— Descended f^om an AfHcan chief— Escapes with his family
from Slavery— Hunted by men stpalers- Becomes a cabin boy on board a
schooner— Enters the African Free School at New York— Admitted into Canal
Street Collegiate School— Studies Latin— Enters Canaan Academy— Events
there— His marriage— Religious impressions— Turns his attention to the gos-
pel ministry— Gains reputation at the Oneida Institute aa a courteous and
accomplished man, an able and eloquent debater, and a good writer— Appears
as a public speaker— Graduates at Whitestoun, and receives his diploma-
Ordained a minister at Troy — Obtains a hearing before the legislatures of New
York and Connecticut — His remarkable speeches — Publishes a Discourse on
the Past and Present Condition, and Destiny of the Coloured Race — Connected
with a newspaper — He is a pure Black.

Solomon Baitley NarraHw and Letters 513

Robert Hnmard interested in obtaining and publishing his Narrative— Prevails
upon him to write it— Account of his early life — Bom a Slave— Various trials
and difficulties — His deep religious impressions — His growth in the truth bean-
tiftilly narrated— A few of his letters — His call to the ministry— Visits Liberia
—Returns to America again — Just observation of Clarkson after reading the
Narrative of this pious Negro.

Hannibal, OB Annibal AbbS Or^oire 523

A well-educated Negro^Becomee a lieutenant general and director of artillery
in Russia — His talented son— commenced the establishment of a fort and
fortress at Cherson.

Facts PBOM Libebia CoUmutatUm Herald 523

Remarkable exhibition of Negro capability in Liberia, a colony of free negroes
— ^Their sound Judgment and Christian character— Christian government — a
purely moral community — Public school — Religion and morality progreesing—
Exclusion of Ardent spirits— Improvement— The Governor J. J. Roberta, a
Slave in Virginia a few years ago— His superior character and ability — Ex-
tract from his Inaugural address— Hilary Teague, a Coloured senator— The
son of a Virginian Slave — Extracts from an eloquent speech made by him,
embracing a most beauUftU exposition of the history, trials, exertions and

(«NJli

€nlnii.

aspirAtiun of the Negro oolonisu — The abettonof Slavery challenged to exhibit
half the talent and ability eyinced in the addresses of these Coloured legislators.

Jqajqizs Jaaosb 8haM)^» MemoriaU 584

A South Aftieaa— His coiiTenion — Veiy desirous of instrociioa— Hie piugresi
in knowledge— 'Zeat^-TraTeis with liissiowtfy Threlfall'-Cottnge in danger^
A martyr to the Tmth — ^Lines on the occasion, by MoBtgomery.

Testim OHiss OF Havvah KiL&AM .,,Ser lAfi 526

A Nobis Slati Bm AVCiPAna) .., ChuceUe OffloieUe 588

EuBTACB Cha/mheri Jovnud 538

A remarkably benevolent and intelligent Negro, bom in St. Domingo— Defini-
tion of the characteristics of his life by a Phrenologist— Saves his master's life
and many hundreds besides — Rescues the former from danger>-They sail to-
gether to Ameriea-~8neeonrs unfortunate sufferers at Baltimore— His liberation
— Subsequent devotedness— Saves his master's life again— Death of the latter —
Eustace's remarkable benevolence— Accompanies General Rochambeau to En-
gland and France— Kindnees to a poor widow— French academy grant Um a
prise — Worthy of a noble monument.

WiLUAic Ws£L6 Bbowv Mis yotreOive 541

Escapes flpom Slavery— Harrowing scenes portrayed in his Narrative — Befriended

by a Quaker^— Assists his ftigiltve brethren in Canada— His abilities evinced in

an article written by him on the Slave Trade.

A Mass of Facts demonstntiye of Kegro capability reniAin in

the Author's hands — a few claim a passing notice — Zhikoa, a

Kegro Qneen — ^Bb Sxnieba, King of Kooranko — ^Assaita

YsBBA, a Kegro King — Jxjana, a South Afirican Widow —

LUCT CaBDWBLL — JOSBFH BaCHBIt— JOHH WlLLIAKB— JaCOB

LnTKS— Pbtbb Lorxs^ZiLPHA Montjot— Alicb, a female
Slave — GbobobHabdt — Qitashi — MoeBS, a Kegro of Virginia
— Zaboaiu— Ohableb Kkight—Josbph May — Maquama —
Jacob HoDess — ^Thb Ksaso Sbbyaitt — Bblhtda Lucas—
GoKBz — Afbikakbb — JupiTXB Hammob — ^Anoblo Soli-

MABH from 545 to 649

Lirnie WiTKBSBBS, demonstratiye of Kegro capability 550

Joseph Thobbb Thome and Kimball 550

Bom a Slave— Remained one till twenty years of age — Now a lay preacher in
the Episcopal Church— His accomplished wife and family.

Thomas Habbis Thome and Kimball 551

Thome and Kimball's account of a visit to his family— Interesting conversation
—Lively discussions— Their equality with Whites— FacU respecting T. Harris-
Bom a Slave — His business talents — Eminently distinguished by manly graces
and acc<Hnplishments.

8. A. Pbbscod Thome and Kimball 653

A young Coloured gentleman— Educated in England— Editor of a Newspaper
—Debarred ftom Ailing various offices— Excluded from the Society of Whites
—Dr. Lloyd's observation respecting him.

JOBOAB Thome and Kimball 554

Improvement of Coloured people in Jamaica— Are Aldermen — Justices of
Peace, &&— Mr, Jordan Is a member of the Assembly— Owns the largest book
store In Ja m a ic a , and an extensive printing office, issuing a paper twice a week
— Other papers Issued by Coloured people— Many Coloured printers.

Cnottttts.

RicHASD Hnj. Thome and Kimball

A Coloiu«d gentleman of very vuperior abilities — Secretary of the special magis-
trate department of Jamalea — Member of the Assembly — High testimony re-
specting him— Travels two yean in Hayti— His publiahed letters written In a
flowing and luxuriant style-^Secretary to Ihe Oovemor and main-spring of the
Government during administration of Lord Sllgo and Sir Lionel Smith — A na-
turalisi^Has recently published a valuable ornithological work.

LoKDON BouBNB Tkome otid KhnbiUl 557

Interesting account of a visit to his family— Genuine Negroes— Their intelli-
gence— Mr. Bourne a Slave till 23 years old— Bis freedom purchased by his
Ikther for 500 dollars— And his mother and four brothers for 2500 dollars— Has
become a wealthy merchant— Highly respected for his integrity and business
talents— Many other Coloured persons and fSsmilies of equal merit as those
named — Some are popular instructors, and one ranks high as a teacher of lan-
guages.

CONCLUDIKG Obsebyatioits 560

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INTRODUCTORY POEM:

BERNARD BARTON.

A Tribute for the Negro Race !

With all whose minds and hearts
Have known the power of Gospel Grace,

The love which it imparts.

Who know and feel that God is Love !

And that His high behest.
Given from His throne in Heaven above,

Says — ** Succour the oppre»s^d!''

A Tribute for our Brother Man !

Our Sister Woman too !
With all whose feeling hearts can own

What unto each is due :

Who cherish holy sympathy
With human flesh and blood,

And feel the inseparable tie
Of that vast Brotherhood !

XXXIV.

Sntroitttttonf ^^nnn.

That the same God hath fashion*d all,

Moulded in human frame ;
And bade them on His mercj call,

Pleading — A Father's Name /

That the same Saviour died for each,

So each to Him might live !
That the same Spirit sent to teach,

To ALL can Wisdom give.

A Tribute to the mental power
Of Blacks, as well as Whites ;

For Nature, in her ample dower,
Owns all her Children's rights :

And scorns, by casual tint of skin.
Those sacred rights to adjust,

Which, to the immortal Soul within,
Her God hath given in trust !

A Tribute to fair Freedom's spells,

The boon of God on high ;
For — ever — where His Spirit dwells,

There must be Liberty !

That Spirit breaks each galling yoke —

Fetters of cruel thrall.
The brand's impress, the scourge's stroke.

It loathes, laments them all.

3strBitortDrt( ^vm.

Lastly, — A Tribute unto Him,
Our Father ! throned in Heaven !

For all wlio yet, in life or limb.
Succumb to Slavery's leaven.

That He for such His axm may bare,

Their Liberator be ;
And in His Will and Power declare

" The Negro shall be free ! "

That as His mighty, outstretch'd hand

Led Israel forth of yore.
So He to Afric's injured land

Would Freedom — Peace restore.

That Gospel Love, and Gospel Grace,
May there His Power proclaim ;

Make glad each solitary place,
And glorify His Name !

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prHons of ;^inifciidt ; mit^ a to ob-
snooHotis on tjn iosltnubU ngiitH of
3&tai, tjit lin of &kmn, kt., h.

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■^

A TRIBUTE FOR THE NEGRO.

I INTO THE CLAEfS OF '
BACE TO HUMANITY. 4c.

CHAPTEB I.

Sin of Slarery inorefttiiigly acknowledged — Delusion respeetlng the moral
and intelleotnal capadtj of the Negro — ^An important question — To
despise a feUow-being on acoonnt of any external peculiarity, a sin —
duistiamty the mani&station of unirersal love — Inquiry into the causes
of the diversity characterising yarions nations and people — ^Analogous
in animalH — ^Bemarks of Buffon and Lairrenoe on this subject — Connec-
tion between the physiological, moral, and intellectual characters in
Man — ^The diyersities trifling in comparison with those attributes in
which they agre&— STothing to warrant us in referring to any particular
race an insurmountable deficiency in moral and intellectual Acuities —
Scripture testimony to unity of origin in the human race.

In the present enlightened age, talent and piety have
combined their energies, in endeavouring to promote the
welfare and emancipation of the degraded and enslaved
African. The grievous sin of man making merchandise of
Us fellow-creatures, and holding them in perpetual slavery,
has long been a subject of eloquent declamation, and has
for some time been denoimced by the unanimous voice of
the British pubHc. England has given to the nations a
noble example, in abolishing, at a great sacrifice, a system
of injustice and cruelty, in which she had long taken a
guilty part.

*' Twas Britain's mightiest sons that struck the blow ! "

" And monarchs trembled at the o'erpowering sound,
And nations heard, and senates shook^around,
And widely struck, by the yictorious spell,
From Negro limbs, the enslaviug shackles fell ! '*

a €xMt kt tin Mt^tn.

Yet notwithstanding the evils of Slavery are becoming
increasingly felt and acknowledged, it is evident that there
still exists, in the minds of many who deprecate the whole
system as unjust, a strong delusion with regard to the
moral and intellectual capacities of the Coloured portion of
mankind, and as regards their proper station in the scale
of intelligent existence.

It is an important question, whether the N^ro is con-
stitutionally, and therefore irremediably, inferior to the
White man, in the powers of the mind. Much of the future
welfare of the human race depends on the answer which
experience and facts will furnish to this question ; for it
concerns not only the vast population of AMca, but many
millions of the Negro race who are located elsewhere, as well
as the Whites who are becoming mixed with the Black race
in countries where Slavery exists, or where it has existed till
within a very recent period. Many persons have ventured
upon peremptory decisions on both sides of the question ;
but the majority appear to be still unsatisfied as to tlie real
capabilities of the Negro race. Their present actual infe-
riority in many respects, comparing them as a whole with
the lighter coloured portion of mankind, is too evident to
be disputed ; but it must be borne in mind that they are
not in a condition for a fair comparison to be drawn between
the two. Their present degraded state, whether we consi-
der them in a mental or moral point of view, may be easily
accounted for by the circumstances amidst which Negroes
have lived, both in their own countries, and when they have
been transplanted into a foreign land. But if instances can
be adduced of individuals of the African race exhibiting
marks of genius, which would be considered eminent in
civilized European society, we have proo& that there is
no incompatibility between Negro organization and high ( ; jsy^
intellectual power.

It has been well observed by a late writer, that it is
important to elucidate this question, if possible, on several

a €xMt fat % Mt^n.

accounts ; and that if it be proved to be correct, the Negro
ia qualified to occupy a different situation in society to that
which has been declared to belong to him, by the almost
unanimous acclaim of civilized nations. If the capabilities
and aptitudes of the Negro are such as some writers argue,
he is only fitted, by his natural constitution and endow-
ments, for a servile state ; and the zealous friends of his
tribe, Wilberforce and Clarkson, Allen and Gumey, with
many others, who were thought to have obtained an exalted
station among the great benefactors of the human race,
must be rq^arded as having been simply well-meaning en-
thusiasts, who, under an imagined principle of philanthropy,
argued with too much success for the emancipation of
domestic animals, of creatures destined by nature to remain
in that condition, and to serve the lords of the creation
in common with his oxen, his horses, and his dogs. If
science has led to this conclusion, as the true and just in-
ference from facts, the sooner it is admitted the better :
the opinion which is opposed to it must be unreasonable
and injurious.

But the purport of the present volume is to prove from
facts which speak loudly, that the Negro is indubitably,
and fully, entitied to equal claims with the rest of man-
kind; — a task by no means difficult, no more so indeed,
totheimpartial judge, than to demonstrate the self-evident
truths

" That smoke ascends, that snow is white."

The claims of the Negro are, however, called in question by
so many, and their rights as men denied by those who point
at the colour which God has given them, with the finger of
scorn, that some counteracting influence seemed desirable.

To despise a fellow-being, or attach a degree of infe-
riority to him, merely on account of his complexion, or any
other external peculiarity which may have been conferred
upon him, is to arraign the wisdom of the AUwise Creator,
and, consequently, an offence in the Divine sight. ** He

OVT

3i €xMt fttt tilt Jltgn.

than inquiries into the nature of those Tarieties in com-
plexion, fonn, and habits, which distinguish from each
other the several races of men. Our curiosity on this
subject ceases to be awakened when we have become accus-
tomed to satisfy ourselves respecting it with some hypo-
thesis, whether adequate or insufficient to explain the
phenomenon ; but, if a person previously unaware of the
existence of such diversities, could suddenly be made a
spectator of the various appearances which the tribes of
men display in different regions of the earth, it cannot be
doubted that he would experience emotions of wonder and
surprise. To enter into a full consideration of this interesting
subject is not within the province of this work. It will, how-
ever, be necessary to make a few observations upon it, so
far as to demonstrate that the whole family of Man is iden-
tically of the same species. Those who desire to enter more
largely into this study, may refer to Prichard's ''Researches
into the Physical History of Mankind,** or to Dr. Lawrence's
well known '' Lectures," in which the able authors have
maintained, with the greatest extent of research, and fully
proved, atmity of species in all the human races.

Notwithstanding the great diversity which is found to
exist in the extent of mental acquirements, as well as of
the physiological peculiarities, and physical qualities, cha^
racterizing the inhabitants of various portions of the world,
there can be little doubt that this diversity is more attribu-
table to external or adventitious causes, to the circum-
stances in which they Uve, to their particular habits, their
progress in the culture of arts and sciences, and their ad-
vancement in civilization and refinement, and to a variety
of physical and moral agencies and local circumstances,
rather than to any singularity or variation in their original
natural organization and endowment To the operation
of all these causes, may be added, the surprising effects of
education when almost imiversally applied, which are suf-
ficiently obvious wherever its influence extends.

^ '^tMt br tjit jUtgro.

That climate should also exert a powerful influence on
Man may be very reasonably supposed ; it has an analo-
gous influence on the other tribes of animated beings.
The animal kingdom presents us with numerous striking
instances of diversity in the texture and colour of their
coverings, occurring, undoubtedly, in the same species.
Sheep are particularly marked by the great difference of
their fleece, in different latitudes. In Africa, and very warm
countries, a coarse rough hair is substituted in the place of
its wool, which, in other situations, is soft and delicate.
The dog loses its coat entirely in Africa, and has a smooth
soft skin. The wool of the sheep is thicker and longer in
the winter and in hilly northern situations, than in the
summer and on warm plains. Climate, coupled with food,
appear to be the great modifying agents, in the production
of these and many other varieties in the animal world;
but no attempt has been made to assign a separate origin
in their case. The white colour, in the northern regions,
of many animals, which possess other colours in more
temperate latitudes, as the bear, the fox, the hare, beasts of
burden, the falcon, crow, jackdaw, chaffinch, &c., seems
to arise entirely from climate. This opinion is strength-
ened by the analogy of those animals which change their
colour, in the same country, in the winter season, to white
or grey, as the ermine and weasel, hare, squirrel, reindeer,
white game, snow bunting, &c. The common bear is dif-
ferently coloured in different r^ons.

With regard to the physiological distinctions of Man,
there is no point of difference between the several races,
which has not been found to arise, in at least an equal
degree J among other animals as mere varieties, from the
usual causes of degeneration, &c. What differences are
there in the figure and proportion of parts in the various
breeds of horses; in the Arabian, the Barb, and the
Oerman ! How striking the contrast between the long-
legged cattle of the Cape of Good Hope and the short-

a Crilittte fiir tjiB ^?gra.

have undergone greater changes. In relation to Man, thej
are improved in some articles, and vitiated in others ; but
with regard to nature, improvement and degeneration are
the same thing ; for they both imply an alteration of origi-
nal constitution. Their coarse hair is changed into fine
wool ; their tail, loaded with a mass of fat, and sometimes
reaching the weight of forty pounds, has acquired a mag-
nitude so incommodious, that the animals trail it with
pain. While swollen with superfluous matter, and adorned
with a beautiful fleece, their strength, agility, magnitude,
and arms are diminished. These long-tailed sheep are
half the size only of the mouflon. They can neither fly
from danger, nor resist the enemy. To preserve and mul-
tiply the species they require the constant care and sup-
port of Man. The degeneration of the original species is
still greater in our climates. Of all the qualities of the
mouflon, our ewes and rams have retained nothing but a
small portion of vivacity, which yields to the crook of the
shepherd. Timidity, weakness, resignation, and stu-
pidity, are the only melancholy remains of their degraded
nature."*

The pig-kind aflbrd an instructive example, because
their descent is more clearly made out than that of many
other animals. The dog, indeed, degenerates before our
eyes ; but it will hardly ever, perhaps, be satisfactorily as-
certained whether there is one or more species. The extent
of degeneration can be observed in the domestic swine;
because no naturalist has hitherto been sceptical enough
to doubt whether they descended from the wild boar ; and
they were certainly first introduced by the Spaniards into
the new world. The pigs conveyed in 1509, from Spain
to the West Indian island Cubagua, tlien celebrated for
the pearl fishery, degenerated into a monstrous race, with
toes half a span long.f Those of Cuba became more than

• Buffon, by Wood, yol. 4, page 7.

t Clayigero, Storia Antica del Messico, toL 4, page 145.

1 (Krilrnte for i^t j^Fgrn.

twice as large as their European progenitors. * How re-
markably^ again, have the domestic swine degenerated from
the wild ones in the whole world : in the loss of the soft
downy hair from between the bristles, in the vast accumu-
lation of &t under the skin, in the form of the cranium, in
the figure and growth of the whole body. The varieties
of the domestic animal, too, are very numerous : in Pied-
mont, they are almost invariably black ; in Bavaria, red-
dish brown; in Normandy, white, &c. The breed in
England, with straight back, is just the reverse of that in
the north of France, with high convex spine and han^ng
head ; and both are different from the German breed ; to
say nothing of the solidimgular race, found in herds in
Hungary and Sweden, known by Aristotle, with many
other varieties.

The ass, in its wild state, is remarkably swift and lively,
and stiU continues so in his native Eastern abode.

Common fowl, in different situations, run into almost
every conceivable variety. Some are large, some small,
some tall, some dwarfish. They may have a small and
single, or a large and complicated comb ; or great tufts of
feathers on the head. Some have no tail. The legs of
some are yellow and naked, of others, covered with
feathers. There is a breed with their feathers reversed in
their direction all over the body; and another in India
with white downy feathers, and black skin. All these
exhibit endless diversities of colour.f

Most of the mammalia which have been tamed by Man
betray their subjugated state, by having the ears and tail
pendulous, a condition which does not belong to wild ani-
mals ; and in many, says Lawrence, the very functions of
the body are changed.

The application of these facts to the human species is
very obvious. If new characters are produced in the

* Herrera, Heclios de los Castellanos en las Islas, &c., vol. 1, page 239.

t Lawrence.

a ^rihttte fiit tjn ^tp.

domesticated animals, because they have been taken from
their primitive condition, and exposed to the operation of
many, to them unnatural causes ; if the pig is remarkable
among these for the number and degree of its varieties,
because it has been most exposed to the causes of degene-
ration ; we shall be at no loss to account for the diversities
in Man, who is, in the true, though not ordinary sense of
the word, more a domesticated animal than any other.*
He, like the inferior animals, is liable to run into varieties
of form, size, stature, proportions, features, and colour,
which being gradually increased, through a long course of
ages, have become, to a certain extent, hereditary in families
and nations.

That the superficial observer, on beholding the great
variation existing between the inhabitants of one portion
of the world, and those of another, should be led to query,
" Are all these brethren ?" need not surprise us ; yet, if
we examine into the subject, we shall find that there is no
one of the varieties to which Man is liable, which does not
exist in a still greater degree in animals confessedly the
same species, and the numerous examples of the widest
deviation in the colour and physiological distinctions of
these, fully authorize the conclusion, that, however striking
may be the contrast between the fair European and the
ebon African, and however unwilling the former may be
to trace up his pedigree to the same Adam with the latter,
the superficial distinctions by which they are characterized,
are altogether insufiScient to establish a diversity of species
or any insurmountable disparity between the two.

Having adverted to the diversities of external appear-
ance exhibited in the various races of Man, and alluded to
the physiological distinctions by which they are marked,
let us inquire to what extent their moral and intellectual
characters exhibit such peculiarities as the numerous modi-
fications of physical structure might lead us to expect ;

* littwreDoe.

3i €tMt kt l^ jlltgro*

whether the appetites and propensities, the moral feelings,
and dispositions, and the capahilities of knowledge and
reflection, are the same in all. There can be little doubt,
that the races of Man are no less characterized by a diversity
in the development of the mental and moral faculties,
than by those differences of organization which have been
already explained* There is an intimate connection be-
tween the mind and the body, and the various causes which
exert their influence physically, have, to a certain degree,
a corresponding effect upon the mental constitution of Man.
That climate, again, and other elements of the external
condition, are powerful agents in this respect, is very pro-
bable, if we may judge from their analogous influence on
various animals. We are informed that the dog in Kamts-
chatka, instead of being faithful and attached to his master,
is malignant, treacherous, and full of deceit. He does not
bark in the hot parts of Africa, nor in Greenland ; and in
the latter country, loses his docility so as to be imfit for
hunting.*

There is a decided coincidence between the physical
characteristics of the varieties of Man, and their moral and
social condition, and it also appears that their condition in
civilized society produces considerable modification in the in-
tellectual quahdes of the race. But this is a subject so ex-
tensive in its bearings, and in many particulars so intricate
and complex, that I shall not attempt its further investi-
gation here, but refer again to the works of Lawrence and
Prichard, in which it is very ably elucidated.

To whatever causes we may, ultimately, be able to
attribute the numerous varieties existing amongst mankind,
it is evident, if they have not been ordained to bind them
together, they were never ordained to subdue the one to
the other ; but rather to give means and occasions of mu-
tual aid. The good of all has been equally intended in
the distribution of the various gifts of heaven ; and certain

* Bees.

a €xMt to tin Mt^n.

it is, that the diversities among men are as nothing, in
comparison with those attributes in which they agree : it
is this which constitutes their essential equality. *'A11
men have the same rational nature, and the same powers
of conscience, and all are equally made for indefinite im-
provement of these divine faculties, and for the happiness
to be found in their virtuous use. Who that comprehends
these gifts, does not see that the diversities of the race
vanish before them ?"*

It was long since declared, and it has been repeated
thousands of times, that the Indian and the African, from
their nature, are incapable of civilization, and only adap-
ted to a state of servitude. Early in the sixteenth cen-
tury, the question was regarded as one of such moment that
Charles the Fifth ordered a discussion of the subject to
be conducted before him. The advocate in favour of this
idea was first heard, when a zealous champion, in answer,
warmed by the noble cause he was to maintain, and nothing
daunted by the august presence in which he stood, de-
livered himself with fervent eloquence that went directly
to the hearts of his auditors. ^'The Christian religion,"
he concluded, ^' is equal in its operation, and is accommo-
dated to every nation on the globe. It robs no one of his
freedom, violates no one of his inherent rights, on the
ground that he is of a slavely nature, as pretended ; and it
well becomes your majesty to banish so monstrous an op-
pression from your kingdoms, in the beginning of your
reign, that the Almighty may make it long and glorious !'*

I am convinced, that the more we examine into the
diversities characterizing the various families of Man, the
more thoroughly shall we be able to prove, that the coinci-
dence between them is greater than the diversity, and that
we shall find nothing to warrant us in referring to any par-
ticular race, any further than we should between the rough-
hewn and polished marble, a deficiency of those moral and

* Dr. GhAnning.

ffr^

51 frihttb fiir t^ Jfftgrn.

intellectual faculties, which it has pleased the aU-wise and
^^^^ beneficent Creator, who "hath made of one blood aU the
nations of men/' to bestow alike on every portion of the
human family. Thought, Reason, Conscience, the capacity
of Virtue and of Love, an immortal destiny, an intimate
moral connection with God, — these are the attributes of
our common humanity, which reduce to insignificance all
outward distinctions, and make every human being un-
speakably dear to his Maker. No matter how ignorant he
may be, the capacity of improvement allies him to the
more instructed of his race, and places within his reach,
the knowledge and happiness of higher worlds. " The
Christian philosopher," says Dr. Chalmers, " sees in every
man, a partaker of his own nature, and a brother of his
own species. He contemplates the human mind in the
generality of its great elements. He .enters upon a wide
field of benevolence, and disdains the geographical barriers
by which little men would shut out one half of the species
from the kind offices of the other. Let man's localities be
what they may, it is enough for his large and noble heart,
that he is bone of the same bone."

A powerful argument may yet be adduced, which ap-
pears to me conclusive of the whole question relating to
man's unity of origin, and that is, the testimony of the
sacred Scriptures, which ascribe one origin to the whole
human family. Our Scriptures have not left us to deter-
mine the title of any tribe to the full honours of humanity
by accidental circumstances. One passage affirms, that
" God hath made of one blood all the nations of men, for
to dwell on all the face of the earth ;" that they are of one
family, of one origin, of one common nature : the other,
that our Saviour became incarnate, " that he, by the grace
of God, should taste death for every man." " Behold then,"
says the pious Richard Watson, " the foundation of the
fraternity of our race, however coloured and however scat-
tered. Essential distinctions of inferiority and superiority

CHAPTER II.

Tbe idea that moral and inteUeotual inferiorit j is inseparable from a co-
loured skin, a fiJladous one — Befuted by hcU — The apparent inftriority
of the Negro prindpallj arises from Slayery and the raysges of the Qlaye
trade — ^Extent of theee — ^Their pemidons consequences — Frerent the
'Segro from adrancing in ciyilization or improvement — Justified on the
ground of Christianising them, Ac — ^This plea philosophicallj iSilse —
What can we expect from Negroes in their present condition — ^The
reproach falls on their treatment, &c. — Similar effects obserrable on any
people— Instanced in European Slayes — Loose his shackles, and the
Negro will soon refute the calumnies raised against him.

If, 83 I have already shown, the claims of all mankind
to one imiversal brotherhood are so clearly and unequivo-
cally defined, we can have no authority for impressing upon
a large portion of the great family the stigma of infe-
riority, under the mere pretext of some external peculia-
rities which the Creator has been pleased to confer upon
them. Nothing can be more fallacious, nothing has ever
been more pernicious in its consequences, than the as-
sumption, that moral and intellectual inferiority are insep-
arable from a coloured skin. Oh! when will prejudice
give way, if not through the influence of Christian kind-
ness, before the pressure of facts ? How long shall the
White Man answer "No!" to the appeal of the injured
Negro, "Am I not a man and a brother?" How long
shall we persist in turning a deaf ear to the imited cry
of the whole ebon race of Africa :

'* Deem our nation brutes no longer,
'Till some reason je shall find.
Worthier of regard and atronger,
Than the colour of our kind.

" Slares of gold ! whoso sordid dealings
Tarnish all jour boasted powers,
Prore that you hare human feelings,
Ere jou proudly question ours.*'

a €xMt fat % jlrgrn.

I would invite all who entertain the opinion that the
dark coloured portion of mankind necessarily belong to
a race of beings inferior to the fairer portion of our
speciesi casting aside all previously imbibed prejudice, to
peruse the facts narrated in the following pages. They
will be found to exhibit many striking instances of good
and commendable traits existing naturally in the African
character, to which facts and testimonies innumerable might
be added, amply sufficient, considering the limited advan-
tages they have possessed, not only to refute the groundless
imputation of mental and moral deficiency, and prove their
title to the claim of being accounted intelligent and rational
creatures, but that they are also endowed with every cha-
racteristic constituting their identity with the great family of
MAN. Their physical, moral, and intellectual capabilities,
have been so far put to the test, that they can no longer be
charged with being deficient in intelligence, enterprise, or
industry. The facts brought forward in this volume are
sufficiently substantiated as to leave the question no longer
a doubtful or theoretical one, but to excite us at once to
regard them as brethren, in every sense of the word, entitled
to equal privileges vnth ourselves, to the enjojrment of all
those inalienable rights with which Man has been entrusted
by his Creator. Surely it will be impossible for us to peruse
these facts, without blushing for the enormities, which
beings with a fairer skin, and professing a religion which
inculcates ^* universal love and good will to men," are still
exercising over another portion of the same family.

Happy would it be for humanity's sake, if we could
draw the curtain of night over the many dark transactions
that disgrace the conduct of the White Man towards his
more sable brother, which consist indeed of little else than
a series of wrongs and outrages, infiicted on the innocent
and the defenceless ! It is a lamentable fact, that whatever
checks the atrocious traffic in the fiesh and sinev^ of the
Negro may, from time to time, have experienced, it is still

V^'>A

3i. d^tilnttt for % jUrgrn.

pursued with increased enei^ and success, so much sO|
that it is impossible to form any adequate idea of its
extent and horrors.* Afirica is annually robbed of four
HUNDRED THOUSAND of her population^ to glut the cu-
pidity, or to minister to the pride and luxury of nominal
Christians, and the followers of the False Prophet From 2
to 800,000 of this mighty host perish by fire and sword in
their original capture ; by privation and fatigue, in their
transit to the coast ; and by disease and death, in their most
horrible forms, during the middle passage. The remainder
are sold into perpetual Slavery, and subjected, with their
offipring in perpetuity, to all the revolting incidents of that
d^raded state.

To say nothing of the disgrace and the guilt which
this nefarious system attaches to the civilized nations who
are implicated in it, it is an utter impossibility, whilst the
ravages consequent upon these violations of all the rights
and feelings of man continue to be perpetrated against the
natives of Africa, whilst the inhabitants of the whole con-
tinent, both on her defenceless coasts, and to her very
centre, continue to be hunted like wild beasts of the forest;
I say, it is an utter impossibility, whilst this state of things is
permitted to exist, that Africa or her sons should experience
any advances, either in civilization or improvement.

The present apparent inferiority of the Negro race is
undoubtedly attributable in a great measure to the existence
of the Slave traffic in Afirica, with all the baneful influences
necessarily attendant upon it, and subsequently, to the
degraded condition to which its unfortunate victims are

* Wiem the emdeH againti ike Slaoe Trade fint commenced, half a
eeniwy ago, IT WAS oaxcvlated thbbb wxbe pbox two to thbxb
lOLLioirfl OF 8LATB8 IH THB wosld! Th&re were reeetUfy, according to
doemHeHUquoiedhySn'T.I'.JBMxioH^six.TOBMVSSUiLLiovsl When,fiffy
yeare ago, the AiiirSlanery operaUone began, U wa$ eetmaUd thai ONB

HinnOBBD THOITSAITD SLA.TBB WBEB AWTALLT BATISHBD BBOIC AjTBICA !

nere are now caUmUOed to he FOUR HUNDRED THOUSAND
AKKUALLT tobh jboh tblBIB hoicks and vatssub ! ! ! These are
the great fiieta regarding Slayeiy and the Slaye Trade at this moment !

a €xMt &r % ilfgrn-

reduced, and held by their oppressors. It is only when
they are in possession of privileges and advantages equiva-
lent to the rest of mankindi that a fair comparison can
be drawn between the one and the other. The Negro,
by nature our equal, made like ourselves after the image
of the Creator, gifted by the same intelligence, impelled
by the same passions and affections, and redeemed by the
same Saviour, has now become reduced through cupidity
and oppression, nearly to the level of the brute, spoiled of
his humanity, plundered of his rights, and often hurried to
a premature grave, the miserable victim of avarice and heed-
less tyranny ! ^' Men have presumptuously dared to wrest
from their fellows the most precious of their rights — to
intercept, as far as they can, the bounty and grace of the
Almighty — to close the door to their intellectual progress
— to shut every avenue to their moral and religious improve-
ment — to stand between them and their Maker. Oh ! awful
responsibility ; how shall they answer for such a crime ? " •

But the Slave, we are told, is taught religion and Chris-
tianity. This is a cheering sound to be wafted from the
land of bondage. It is cause of rejoicing to hear that any
portion of the Negroes taken into Slavery are instructed
in religion. But if ever this is the case, it forms the ex-
ception and not the rule. " In Georgia, any justice of the
peace may, at his discretion, break up any religious assem-
bly of Slaves, and may order each Slave present to be cor-
rected without trial, by receiving, on the bare back,
95 stripes with a whip, switch, or cow-skin.'* In North
Carolina, " to teach a Slave to read or write, or to seD, or
give him any book (Bible not excepted), is punished
with 39 lashes, or imprisonment.'* Such laws as these do
not speak very strongly for the argument that the Slave is
taught religion, " Woe to him that taketh away the key of
knowledge !" To kill the body is a great crime ; the Spirit
we cannot kill, but we may bury it in a deathlike lethargy.

* Clwkson.

ia €nMt for t{|t j&Bgtn.

and is this a light crime in the sight of Him who gave it ?

There can be no doubt that^ generally speaking, not a
ray of Christiau truth is afforded to the Negro Slave, but,
on the other hand, that it is often most cautiously with-
held. The majority of persons connected with Slave pro-
perty stand chargeable with criminal neglect, or the great
proportion of Slaves would not now be degraded and im-
moral Pagans. Not a few are criminally hostile and
persecuting. They have paled round the enclosures of
darkness and vice, intent upon nothing so much as to scowl
away the messengers of light and mercy, by whatever name
they may be called, and to seal up the wretched people
under their power, in ignorance and barbarism. Under
such circumstances, the state of the Negro Slave is most
deplorable. It may be emphatically said of a land of
Slavery, that " darkness covers the earth, and gross dark-
ness the people ; " and if a single ray of light glimmers
in the midst, it only serves to render the surrounding
darkness still more visible — ^more clearly to exhibit the
hideous abominations beneath which the Negro groans.

But even if the opportunity is said to be afforded him,
how can the Slave comprehend the principle of Love, the
essential principle of Christianity, when he hears it from
the lips of those whose relations to him express injustice
and selfishness ? And even suppose him to receive Chris-
tianity in its purity, and to feel all its power ; — ^is this to
reconcile us to Slavery ? Is a being who can understand the
sublimest truth that has ever entered the human mind,
who can love and adore God, who can conform himself to
the celestial virtue of the Saviour, for whom that Saviour
died, to whom heaven is opened, whose repentance now
gives joy in heaven, — ^is such a being to be held as pro-
perty, driven by force as the brute, and denied the rights
of man by a fellow-creature, by a professed disciple of the
just and merciful Saviour ? Has he a religious nature,
and dares any one hold him as a Slave ?

a €xMt fat % Jlfgra.

I am aware that much has been said on various oc«-
casioUB^ respecting the compensations conquered and op-
pressed nations and people have received for the injuries
inflicted upon them^ when they have fallen under the
sway of empires in a higher state of civilization than
themselves. The atrocious outrages of the Slave trade,
as we have heard, have been commended on this ground, as
affording a means of imparting to the Negroes the blessings
of civilization and Christianity, by transplanting them into
a land of civilized men and of Christians. Could any plea
be more philosophically false ? Providence is sometimes
pleased to bring good out of evil, but we are by no means
justified on this ground in doing evil that good may ensue.
On no occasion does God require the aid of our vices.
He can overrule them for good, but they are not the chosen
instruments of human happiness.

Our war of extermination against the Kafirs has al-
ready cost us upwards of three millions, and will probably
cost three millions more. How much better would it
be to substitute religion and commerce for the sword.
A dozen waggons laden with British goods would do more
for the civilization and conciliation of that tormented
country than all the bayonets of Europe. It is painful
to reflect that the history of Africa, a coimtry so long
colonized by men professmg that faith which teaches
us that ''God hath made of one blood all the nations
of men, " should furnish so few points of relief to the dark
shades of a picture, which exhibits the inhabitants of that
continent as the wretched victims of the White Man's
avarice and cruelty. Yet, thanks be to God, there are some
bright spots amidst this gloom of darkness, some fertile spots
amidst this extensive waste and wilderness of iniquity and
wo, and wherever they meet the eye they cheer the heart.
These are principally the results of missionary enterprise, to
which our attention will be drawn when we have to consider
the advances of the Negro in a religious point of view.

a ^ritiitte for % Mt^n.

To return again to the iniquities perpetrated so coolly
against the unoffending African, we cannot but admire
the subtle reasoning and humanity of those, whose hands
are imbrued in the traffic in human flesh, asserting in
defence of their nefarious deeds, that they may be the
means of Christianizing their unhappy victims, and of
advancing their moral condition ; and who, after tearing
the wretched Negroes from their native soil, transporting
them in chains across the wide ocean, and dooming them
to perpetual labour, complain that their understandings
shew no signs of improvement, that their tempers and dis-
positions are incorrigibly perverse, faithless, and treach-
erous. What can be expected from them, when they arc
attended with everything that is unfavourable to their im-
provement, and axe deprived of every means of bettering
their condition, or cultivating their minds ? *^ Destitute
of all instruction, worked like brutes, and punished more
severely ; crushed by the iron hand of oppression into the
very dust ; having everything to fear, and nothing to hope
for ; vdthout any impelling motive but that of terror ; with
scarcely any possibility of enjoyment but what arises from
his mere animal nature, what virtue can we look for in the
poor Slave ? If his appetites and passions are checked, it
is not by the operation of principle, but by the dread of
corporeal punishment. Can anything manly or generous
be expected from those who are debased to the condition
of brutes, who are kept in a state of perpetual and abject
servility ? Can we suppose that a very nice sense of justice
will be entertained by those who are constantly treated
with injustice ; who know it, and feel it ; who see the
White Man sin vrith impunity, and the Black Man often
suffering without crime ? Can we be so unreasonable as to
look for undeviating honesty and integrity in those who
are conscious that they are the objects of continued
wrong, inflicted by those whom they regard as so much
their superiors in knowledge ? Are they not constantly

a €xMt kt i\)t JItgrn.

taught by the conduct of White Men, that power is right ;
and that, therefore, i^i^hateyer they are able to do with im-
punity they have a right to do ? Must they not feel that
fraud and cunning are the only weapons with which they
can engage the White Man, and obtain any advantage ?
Shall we then wonder, when we are told by all who know the
Negro character, that in the midst of all their ignorance,
there is a shrewdness which seems natiu'al to them ; that
the system of oppression under which they live, cherishes
the habits of falsehood and petty theft ? Can purity and
chastity exist in such circumstances as theirs, where there
is no protection of the marriage union ; where all are al-
lowed to herd together as the beasts of the field, and have,
in the conduct of the White Man, so bad an example be-
fore their eyes ? What means are used to enlighten their
minds or form their morals ? Can any plant of virtue,
vegetate without the light of knowledge, and the culture
of instruction ? What are they suffered to know of Chris-
tianity, but its outward forms ; and what impressions must
they receive of it from their Christian (?) masters ? Can
they see anything in it which is attractive ? What motives
have they to embrace it ? Ignorant alike of the doctrines
and the duties, the divine consolation and the holy precepts
of Christianity, they remain Pagans in a Christian land,
without even an object of idolatrous worship ; * having no
hope, and without God in the world.' Let not, then, the
abettors of Slavery, who trample their fellow-creatures
beneath their feet, tell us, in their own justification, of the
degraded state, the abject minds, and the vices of the
Slaves ; it is upon the system which thus brutifies a human
being that the reproach falls in all its bitterness.**

It is absurd to tell us of the vast inferiority of the Negro
Race, whilst they are kept in a state of degradation, which fnv^
renders mental and moral improvement an impossibility,
which not only stints the growth of everything generous and
manly, but destroys every spring of virtuous action, and

1 i^riktc &t % jSrgti.

reduces them nearly to the condition of brutes. Similar
effects would be equally visible in those of any nation or com-
plexion, were they subjected to a treatment as cruel as that
which the Negro has long endured. ** Treat men as wild
beasts/' says a philosophical writer, ''and you will make
them such." M* Dupuis, the British Consul at Mogadore,
observes, that '' even the generality of European Christians,
after a long captivity and severe treatment among the Arabs,
appeared at first exceedingly stupid and insensible. K they
have been any considerable time in Slavery, they appear lost
to reason and feeling; their spirits broken; and their facul-
ties sunk in a species of stupor which I am unable adequately
to describe. They appear d^raded even below the Negro
Slave. The succession of hardships, without any protecting
law to which they can appeal for any alleviation or redress,
seems to destroy every spring of exertion or hope in their
minds. They appear indifferent to everything axoimd them ;
abject, servile, and brutish." •

There is ample proof that bondage and severity have a
certain tendency to degrade the mind, and to debase and
brutalize the feelings of mankind* It is impossible to mark
ihe state of degradation to which the Negro is reduced, and
not inquire, — ^how men can be elevated, while the burdens
which oppress them are so great ? — how they can be indus-
trious, when the sinews of industry are so much crippled ?
—or, how they can be expected to discover anything like
even a virtuous emulation, while precluded by their cir-
cumstances from rising above a condition of Slavery the
most hopeless and wretched ? But let the shackles be
loosed from the Negro ; let him feel the invigorating in-
fluence of freedom ; let hope enter his bosom ; and let him
be cheered and animated with the prospect of reward for
his exertions, and the foul calumny of his great and inevi-
table inferiority wSl soon be refuted in himself!

* Wilberforoe's Appeal in behalf of the Negro SlaTes of the West Indies.

CHAPTER III.

Theory of BouBsean and Lord TTMnt^w — ^ f^iBe one — InjuriouB to the beit
interests of hnxnanity, and contrary to Scripture — Iignnes done to the
Hegro on the gronnda of inferiority — Shocking effects resvdting from
this idea — Ciyilized nations before the Christian era — ^Bomans, and their
ancestors — Our own — Anecdote related by Dr. Philip^Cioero*s renuurks
respecting them — Christian guilt towards Aborigines — Lamentable &cts
— Dr. Johnson on European conquest — Slavery justified by representing
the N^gro a distinct species — And even a brute— This supported by some
writers — ^Arguments of Long — Strange book published at Charleston
— Chamber's reply — Negroes said to admit their own inferiority— Be-
marks of Dr. Channing on this subject — Inferiority ascribed to other
races — ^The Esquimaux — The whole refuted by Dr. Lawrence.

Those who are acquainted with the writings of Rousseau,
Lord Kaimes, and others belonging to the same school, are
not ignorant of the attempt which has been made, in oppo-
sition to the Bible, to establish the theory, already alluded
to, which represents the human race as derived from dif-
ferent stocks. Apart from the authority on which the
Mosaic account of the creation of Man is built, the consi-
deration of God's having " made of one blood all the nations
of the earth," is much more simple and beautiful, and has
a greater tendency to promote love and concord, than that
which traces the different members of the human family to
different origins, giving rise to invidious distinctions, flat-
tering the pride of one class of men, and affording a pretext
to justify the oppression of another. Had this opinion,
which we are now combating, been perfectly innocuous in
its operation, or had it been confined to philosophers, we
might have left it to its fate ; but its prevalence, and the
use which has been made of it, show that it is as hostile to
the best interests of humanity as it is contrary to the truth
of Scripture. ♦

It is a singular fact, that the injuries done to the Negroes

• Dr. Philip.

A cv

kSslii

a (Erihab firt tjn JIfgni.

on the East and West coasts of Africai the murders for-
merly committed by the colonists on the Hottentots and
Bushmen of South Africa, and the privations and su£ferings
endured by the Slaves in America and the Colonies,
are justified on this principle, as involving m them a conse-
quent inferiority. *' Expostulate vrith many farmers in
South Africa," says Dr. Philip, " for excluding their Slaves
and Hottentots from their places of worship, and denying
them the means of religious instruction, and they will tell
you at once that they are an inferior race of beings.
Asking a farmer in the district of Caledon, whether a Black
Man standing by him could read, he looked perfectly aston-
ished at the question, and supposed he had quite satisfied
my query by saying, * Sir, he is a Slave.* In the same
manner, the cruelties exercised by the Spaniards upon the
Americans were justified by their wretched theologians,
by denying that the poor Americans were men, because they
wanted beards, the sign of virility among other nations.*'

The effects of this pretended idea of inferiority have
been carried to an extent, towards the African, truly awful
to contemplate. In their own country, they have become
the most wretched of the human race ; duped out of their
possessions, their land, and their liberty, they have entailed
on their offspring a state of existence, to which, even that
of Slavery might.bear the comparison of happiness, and to
which death itself would be decidedly preferable. Such
may not be the case universally, but it is the treatment by
which the aborigines of Africa have been generally reduced
to a state of degradation and vnretchedness, surpassed in
debasement only by the heartless barbarities of many
Europeans, who, pretending to believe that the natives
are destitute of the qualities, and excluded from the rights
of human beings, find no difficulty in classing them with
the beasts of the forest, and destroying them vrithout com-
punction, that they may obtain imdisturbed possession of
their country. The only consideration from which their

a €xMt fitt tin Mtita.

lives have often been either spared or preserved^ seems to
have been, that in a state scarcely above that of oxen
or of dogs, they might perform every species of labour or
drudgery in the dwellings or farms of those who now occupy
the lands on which the herds of their ancestors formerly
grazed in freedom.

" A farmer, " says Barrow, in 1797, " thinks he cannot
proclaim a more meritorious action than the murder of one
of these people. A farmer from Graaff-Reinet, being asked
in the Secretary's office a few days before we left town, if
the savages were numerous or troublesome on the road,
replied, * he had only shot four ^ * with as much composure
and indifference, as if he had been speaking of four part-
ridges* I myself have heard one of the humane colonists
boast of having destroyed with his own hands nearly
three hundred of these unfortunate wretches.**

A witness quoted by Pringle* says, '* If the master took
serious dislike to any of these unhappy creatures, it.was no
imcommon practice to send out the Hottentot on some
pretended message, and then to follow and shoot him on
the road."

But the sad effects of this notion of inferiority are no
where so conspicuously manifested as in the brutal treat-
ment to which the poor African has been doomed in the
New World, and in the degrading epithets by which he is
designated by his lordly task-masters. The oppressors of
the Negro have committed a serious moral mistake, in
perverting what should constitute a claim to kindness and
indulgence into a justification or palliation of their con-
duct in enslaving their fellow men, and of that revolting
and anti-christian practice, the traffic in human flesh ; a
practice branded with the double curse of degradation to the
oppressor and the oppressed. The very argument, which
has been used for defending the wrongs committed against
the African, appears to me to be a tenfold aggravation
of the enormity. Superior endowmente, higher intellect.

- ^71^

greater capacity for knowledge, azts, and science, should
be employed in extending the blessings of civilization,
and in multiplying the enjoyments of social life ; not as
a meam of oppressing the weak and ignorant, or of
plunging those who aie already represented as naturally
low in the intellectoal scale, still more deeply into the
abyss of barbarism.

When we see a strong and well armed person, attack
one eqnally powerful and well prepared, we are indifferent
as to the issue ; or we may look on with that interest which
the qualities called forth by the contest are calculated to
inspire : but if the strong attack the weak, if the well
armed assail the defenceless, if the ingenuity, knowledge,
and skill, the superior arts and arms of civilized life are
combined, to rob the poor savage of his only valuable
property — personal liberty — we turn from the scene with
indignation and abhorrence.

" They who possess higher gifts should remember the
condition under which they are enjoyed : — * From him to
whom much is given, much will be required!' What a
commentary on this head is furnished by Negro Slavery,
as carried on, and permitted, by religious nations, by
Christian Kings, Catholic Majesties, Defenders of the
Faith, &c. ! " •

For the sake of argument, let us admit that there ma^f
exist an intellectual imbecility in the mind of the Negro ;
— instead of its justifying our inflicting upon him the
miseries of Slavery, does it not rather give him an additional
claim to onr sympathy and Christian compassion ? If the
retreating forehead and depressed vertex do indicate an
inferiority in the mental capacity of the Negro, does it
prove that he is not a human being, — that he has not an
immortal soul,^-or that be is not an accountable creature ?
Does it prove that he is not capable of every rational act,
and that he is unendowed with every social feeling which is
* IiSirmioe.

'11

a. €iMt ftr % Mt^.

And we may form not an imperfect idea what our ancestors
were, at the time Julius Caesar invaded Britain, by the
present condition of some of the African tribes. In them
we may perceive, as in a mirror, the featores of our pro-
genitors, and, by our own history, we may learn the extent
to which such tribes may be elevated by means favourable
to their improvement. ♦

When the inhabitants of a free country are heard justify-
ing the injuries inflicted upon the natives of Africa, or
opposing the introduction of liberal institutions among
any portion of them, on the vulgar ground that they are an
inferior class of beings to themselves, it is but fair to remind
them, that there was a period, when Cicero considered their
own ancestors as luifit to be employed even as Slaves in
the house of a Roman citizen. '* Seated one day in the
house ofafHend in Cape Town," saysDr. PhiUp, "with
a bust of Cicero in my right hand, and one of Sir Isaac
Newton on the left, I accidentally opened a book on the
table at that passage in Cicero's letter to Atticus, in which
the philosopher speaks so contemptuously of the natives
of Great Britain.-^ Struck with the curious coincidence
arising from the circumstances in which I then found my-
self placed, pointing to the bust of Cicero, and then to that
of Sir Isaac Newton, I could not help exclaiming, ^ Hear
what that man says of that man's country ! ' "

Were it not so indubitably recorded on the page of
history, we should hardly be willing to believe that there
was a time when our ancestors, the ancient Britons, went
nearly without clothing, painted their bodies in fantastic
fashion, offered up human victims to uncouth idols, and

• Dr. PhiUp.

t *' Biitamiici belli exitiu espeotatnr : constat enim aditus insula) esse
sumitos mirifids molibus : etiam illud jam cognitum est, neqne argenti
•crnpnltim esse ullom in ilia insula, neqne nllam spem pneds nisi ex man-
dpiis : ex quibos nnllos pnto, te literis ant mnsicis emditos expeotare."

Epist. Ad. Attionm, 1. iv., Epist. 16.

Yet this is the sort of reasoning employed by the perpe-
trators and apologists of Negro Slavery. Alas, for Chris-
tian guilt ! can it be equalled by any Pagan crime ? First we
murder the aborigines of North America, to take possession
of their hunting grounds, and then we rob the distant land
of Africa of its inhabitants, to cultivate our stolen posses-
sions. Thus do one set of *' barbarians melt away before
the sun of civilization," that we may fatten on their spoils,
and another is pronounced ^' non compos mentis" that we
may plunder them of the only property the God of nature
has given to Man !

" We think uninoyed of miUions of our noe»
Swept from thy soil by cruelties prolonged ;
Another dime then ruTaged to replace
The wretched Indians ; — ^Africa now wronged
To fill the void where myriads lately thronged.*'

It is a lamentable fact, that in our treatment generally,
of what we term Savage nations^ all respect for common
honesty, justice, and humanity, appears to be utterly for-
gotten by men otherwise generous, kind, and apparently
sensitively honourable. In an estimate formed by Dr.
Johnson of what mankind have lost or gained by European
conquest, having adverted to the cruelties which have been
committed, and the manner in which the laws of religion
have been outrageously violated, he adds, '^ Europeans
have scarcely visited any coast, but to gratify avarice and
extend corruption, to arrogate dominion without right,
and practise cruelty without incentive," and he then gives
it as his opinion, that "it would have been happy for the
oppressed, and still more happy for the invaders, that their
designs had slept in their own bosoms."

The system of oppression under which the African race
suffer so grievously, renders it imperative on their oppres-
sors to allege some reasons, as plausible as they are able,
in their own defence. That Slave merchants, who traffic

a €inMt fet tjif Mtin.

in human flesh, and Negro drivers, who use their fellow-
creatures worse than cattle, should attempt to justify their
conduct by depressing the African to a level with the
brute, is what might reasonably be expected. They lay
great stress on the alleged fact, that Negroes resemble
more nearly than Europeans, the monkey tribe ; and they
have even gone so far as to pronounce them, on the ground
of this approximation, not only a distinct species^ but
'^ brute animals sent for the use of man.*' Thus do the
oppressors of their fellow-men satisfy their consciences by
pretending to believe that the imfortunate Negro is a
brut^, or at best, only a connecting link between the brute
creation and Man. They desire to degrade him below the
standard of humanity, attempting to deface all title to the
Divine image from his mind ; thus do they reconcile the
cruel hardships under ^hich the victims of their oppres-
sion are still doomed to groan, in the islands and on the
continent of the New World.

It has already been stated that some writers on natural
history, and particularly on that of Man, have regarded
the natives of Africa as inferior to Europeans in intellect,
and in the organization contrived for the development or
exercise of the mental faculties. By these writers it is
maintained that Negroes make a decided approach towards
the native inferiority of the monkey tribe — ^that they are
endowed by the Creator with the noble gift of reason in a
very inferior degree, when compared with the more
favoured inhabitants of Europe. Two descriptions of men
have come to this conclusion. The first are those who have
had to contend with the passions and vices of the Negro
in his purely Pagan state, and who have applied no other in-
strument to elicit the virtues they have demanded than
the stimulus of the whip and the stem voice of authority.
Who can wonder that they have failed? They have ex-
pected " to reap where they have not sown," and " to
gather where nothing has been strown ;" they have required

% €xMt fir % Jltgrn,

moral ends, without the application of moral meaiis ; and
their failure, therefore, leaves the question of the capacity
of the Negro untouched, and proves nothing but their own
folly. In the second class may be included our minute
philosophers, who take the gauge of intellectual capacity
from the formation of the bones of the head, and link
morality with the contour of the countenance; men who
measure mind by the rule and compasses, and estimate ca-
pacity for knowledge and salvation by a scale of inches
and the acuteness of angles.

Several of the writers alluded to, have spoken positively
of the Negro, as being only one remove from the brute, and
as forming the connecting link between the brute creation
and the human race. Montesquieu at once pronounces
them not human beings, but as occupying an intermediate
rank below the Whites, and destined by their Creator to
be the Slaves of their superiors. The historian Long
goes through a lengthy course of argument, and occupies
many quarto pages, to establish what he conceives a great
probability, if not certainty, that some of the African tribes
must have a close affinity with the ourang-outang. To
these may be added the perverted judgment of a Jamaica
historian, whose statements, made in 1774, may be ac-
oounted for when it is mentioned that he was a Slaveholder,
while the Slave Trade was in all its vigour there. He
says : — " Their brutality somewhat dimini^shes when im-
ported young, after they become habituated to clothing
and a regular discipline of life ; but many are never re-
claimed, and continue savages, in every sense of the word,
to their latest period. We find them marked with the
same bestial manners, stupidity, and vices, which debase
their brethren in Africa, who seem to be distinguished from
the rest of mankind, not in person only, but in possessing,
in abstract, every species of inherent turpitude that is to
be found dispersed at large among the rest of the human
creation, with scarcely a single virtue to extenuate this

---T)

^ €vMt for % jlrgnr.

shade of character, difieriDg in this particular from all other
men* When we reflect on the nature of these men, and
their dissimilarity to the rest of mankind^ must we not
conclude that they are a different species of the same genus V*

We might reasonably anticipate, that in the present en-
lightened age, opinions like these would have given way
before the many proofs which have been adduced to show
how grossly unfounded they are. But we have no occasion
to refer to the past centuiy for effusions of a proud and
false philosophy, denying that the Negro has any claim to
humanity, or, to say the very least of him, that he is so
degenerate a variety of the human species, as to defy all
cidtivation of mind, and all correction of morals.

It is but a few years since a strange book was published
at Charleston, in South Carolina, entitled '^ The Natural
History of the Negro Race,'* purporting to be a translation
from the French of J. H. Guenebault. Its professed object
is to prove, by investigation, that Negroes are not human
beings, in the full sense of that expression, but are an
inferior order of animals, forming a species between the
ourang-outang or chimpanzee, and the White race of man-
kind. This audacious attempt is made with some show of
ability. A very extensive physiological^ metaphysical, and
historical investigfttion is instituted, and no point is left
unnoticed which is supposed to bear evidence against the
unhappy black-skinned race.

The volume commences with a long dedication to the
members of the Literary and Philosophical Society of
Charleston, setting forth, in the most affectedly pious man-
ner imaginable, the beneficence of the Deity in giving such
wonderful variety in all His works, which is of course in-
tended to smooth the way for what is to follow. The first
chapter refers to the general features, characteristics, figure,
and colour of the Negro species ; the second refers to the
race in particular nations ; the third is a comparison be-
tween the Negro, the White Man, and the ourang-outang;

a €nMt firr tjit Mtiu.

the fourth enters into the subject of the comparative anatomy
of the Negro and the European ; the fifth treats of Negro dis-
eases and degenerations ; the sixth and seventh of Mulattos
and Creoles ; and, lastly^ there> is a defence of Slavery.
The author of this singular production asserts that '^ Every
thing serves to prove that Negroes form not only a race,
but undoubtedly a distinct species, from the beginning of
the world, as we see other species among other living
beings." "Some Negroes,"he says, "have beenbroughtup
with care and attention, have received in schools and colleges
the same education given to White children, and yet they
have been unable to reach the same degree of intellect."
" Negroes," he continues, " are conscious that an affinity
exists between them and monkeys, as, according to all travel-
lers, they look upon monkeys as wild and lazy Negroes. In
fact, when we consider the great analogy between monkeys,
Hottentots, and Papous, — so great that Galen, in the ana-
tomy of a Pitheque, mistook him for a man ; when we
remark how inteUigent the ourang-outang is, how much
his bearing, actions, and habits, are similar to those of
Negroes, and how easily he is instructed, it seems that we
must acknowledge the most imperfect Negroes to be next
to the most perfect jnonkeys."

Space admits not of our entering into the pleading of
the author of South Carolina on this subject ; suffice it to
say, his argument in favour of the existence of Slavery is
drawn from an alleged inferiority in the Negro races, as
well as from the countenance which he asserts is given to
a state of perpetual servitude in the Old and New Tes-
taments. The inferiority of the Negro, in a mental, moral,
and religious point of view, as well as the perversion of the
Scriptures in support of Slavery, will be entered into
more fully in the subsequent pages.

The grand conclusion arrived at by the author,
from all his specious arguments, is, that — "For such
men, necessity is the only possible restraint — force.

a €tMi fiir % jifgra.

the only law; so decreed hj their constitution and
climate."

The talented editors of the " Edinburgh Journal," in
reviewing this singular production, and quoting from it
more at length, make the following very appropriate con-
cluding observations : — " The answer to all these argu-
ments is, we think, not difficult. Supposing that the
Negroes differ in all the alleged respects from the Whites,
the difference, we woidd say, is not such as to justify the
Whites in making a property of them, and treating them
with cruelty. But the Negroes are not, in reality, beyond
the pale of humanity, either physically or mentally. Their
external configuration is not greatly different from that of
Whites. Their being the same mentally, is shewn by
the fact, that many Negroes have displayed intellectual and
moral features equal to those of Whites of high endow-
ment. We might instance Carey, Jenkins, Cuffe, Gxistavus
Yassa, Toussaint, and many others. If any one Negro
has shewn a character identical with that of the White
race, the whole family must be the same, though in general
inferior. The inferiority is shewn to be not in kind, but
in degree ; and it would be just as proper for the clever
Whites to seize and enslave the stupid ones, as for the
Whites in general to enslave the Blacks in general. The
Blacks, moreover, have shewn a capability of improvement.
They have shewn that, as in many districts of even our
own island of Great Britain, many parts of mind appear
absent only when not brought out or called into exercise,
and that, by education, the dormant faculties can be awakened
and called into strength, if not in one generation, at least
in the course of several. The tendency of Slavery is to
keep down, at nearly the level of brutes, beings who might
be brightened into intellectual and moral beauty."

With regard to the assertion of the author of the strange

book alluded to, that ** Negroes are conscious of their
affinity with monkeys," and consequently acknowledge

■>n

a €nMt fcr tjn Mt^n.

their own inferiority to the other races of mankind^ I
utterly deny the truth of such an assertion, unless, in-
deed, his allusion has reference only to those in a state of
Slavery. If so, an answer may be given him in this par-
ticular, in the words of Dr. Channing : —

*^ The moral influence of Slavery is to destroy the pro«
per consciousness and spirit of a Man. The Slave, re-
garded and treated as property, bouglit and sold like a
brute, denied the rights of humanity, tmprotected against
insult, made a tool, and systematically subdued, that he
may be a manageable, useful tool, how can he help regard-
ing himself as fallen below his race ? How must his spirit
be crushed f How can he respect himself? He becomes
bowed to servility. This word, borrowed from his con-
dition, expresses the ruin wrought by Slavery within him.
The idea that he was made for his own virtue and happi-
ness scarcely dawns on his mind. To be an instnunent of
the physical, material good of another, whose will is his
highest law, he is taught to regard as the great purpose of
his being. The whips and imprisonment of Slaveiy, and
even the horrors of the middle passage from Africa to
America, these are not to be named in comparison with
this extinction of the proper consciousness of a human
being, with the degradation of a man into a brute.

" It may be said that the Slave is used to his yoke; that
his sensibilities are blunted ; that he receives, without a
pang or a thought, the treatment which would sting other
men to madness. And to what does this apology amount?
It virtually declares, that Slavery has done its perfect work,
has quenched the spirit of humanity, that the Man is dead
within the Slave, It is not, however, true that this work
of abasement is ever so eflectually done as to extinguish
all feeling. Man is too great a creature to be wholly
ruined by Man. When he seems dead he only sleeps.
There are occasionally some sullen murmurs in the calm
of Slavery, showing that life still beats in the soul, that

^i^

Q':^

a €rMt fax % Mt^n.

the idea of Rights cannot be wholly effiiced from the
human being.

^' It would be too painful, and it is not needed, to detail
the processes by which the spirit is broken in Slavery. I
refer to one only, the selling of Slaves. The practice of
exposing fellow-creatures for sale, of having markets for
men as for cattle, of examining the limbs and muscles of a
man and woman as of a brute, of putting human beings
under the hammer of an auctioneer, and delivering them,
like any other article of merchandise, to the highest bidder,
all this is such an insult to our common nature, and so in-
finitely degrading to the poor victim, that it is hard to con-
ceive of its existence, except in a barbarous country.

" The violation of his own rights, to which he is inured
from birth, must throw confusion over his ideas of all
human rights. He cannot comprehend them ; or, if he
does, how can he respect them, seeing them, as he does,
perpetually trampled upon in his own person ?"

But, to return to our enlightened author of South Caro-
lina, — I shall dismiss him by remarking, that it is a strange
thing, in this nineteenth century, pre-eminent for the ad-
vancement of light and knowledge, to have occasion to assert,
that the idea of the least identity between the Negro and
any portion of the brute creation is as false and unfounded
as it is shocking and detestable. Such an absurd theory,
though always publishing its own falsehood, may serve its
purpose, when civilized men themselves turn savages to
advocate Slavery ; " but let facts bring out the truth, as
they do in the circumstance, that two native Africans have
recently gone back from England, to the plains which gave
them birth, as clergymen !" *

That very little importance can be attached to the allega-
tion of an external resemblance between the Negro and
inferior animals, may be clearly inferred from the fact,
that the same remark has been made, even by intelligent

* " Jamaica : Enslayed and Free."

^ •-

"^lol

% €rilHtte fiir t^ ^Bgrn.

travellers, respecting particular people of other varieties of
the human race. Regnard concludes his description of the
Laplanders with these words : ^^ voila la description de ce
petit animal qu'on appelle Lapon, et Ton pent dire qu*il
vlj en a point, apres le singe, qui approche plus rhomme."
An Esquimaux, who was brought to London by Cartwright,
when he first saw a monkey, asked ^^ Is that an Esquimaux ?"
His companion adds, *^ I must confess, that both the colour
and contour of the animal's countenance had consider-
able resemblance to the people of their nation." N.
del Techo calls the Caaiguas of South America, '' tarn
simiis similes, quam hominibus ;" and J. R. Forster, in the
observations of his journey round the world, asserts, '^ the
inhabitants of the island of Mallicollo, of all the people
whom I have seen, have the nearest relationship to the
monkies."

Whether we investigate the physical or the moral
nature of Man, we recognize at every step the limited ex-
tent of our knowledge. That the greatest ignorance has
prevailed on this subject, even in modem times, and among
men of reputed learning and acuteness, is evinced by
the strange nodpn very strenuously asserted by Monboddo
and Rousseau, and firmly believed by some, that Man and
the monkey, or at least the ourang-outang, belong to the
same species, and are not otherwise distinguished from
each other, than by circumstances which can be accounted
for, by the different physical and moral agencies to which
they have been exposed. The former of these writers
even supposes that the human race once possessed tails !
and he says ^^ the ourang-outangs are proved to be of our
species, by marks of humanity that are incontestible ;'* a
poor compliment to Man, indeed.

** The completely unsupported assertions of Monboddo
and Rousseau,*' says Dr. Lawrence, **only show that they
were equally unacquainted with the structure and functions
of men and monkeys; not conversant with zoology and

a ^rilmte for t|ii JSigra.

physiology, and therefore entirely destitute of the princi-
ples on which alone a sound judgment can be formed
concerning the natural capabilities and destiny of animals,
as well as the laws according to which certain changes of
character, certain departures from the original stock, may
take place.'*

^* The peculiar characteristics of Man,** continues the
above writer, " appear to me so very strong, that I not
only deem him a distinct species, but also put him into a
separate order by himself. His physical and moral attri-
butes place him at a much greater distance from all other
orders of mammalia, than those are from each other
respectively.'

»»

<TIN&"

I >v

ssirS,.^ tf? ■mziS'Jir^^

CHAPTEB IV.

Bednelion of an afBnity between tlie Negro tact tlie brate creation, a mere
Mibterfoge — ^Enropean phyaiognomy often Bimilar to the Negro's — ^Hand-
•ome JLfricana deacnibed by many traveUera — Some remarkabij beautifnl
''-Not diJBcnlt to loae the impreesion of their colour — ^Blumenbach's
Negro cranuB — Imperoeptible gradations of one race into another —
Further analogies in animals — Effects of the dyiUzing process in im-
proving the form of the head and featnres— Exemplifications— Bliiatrated
in the case of Kaspar Haoser— Testimony of Dr. Philip on this salgeot
— ^Dr. EJiQx on N^gro cranio— BQa important conclusion — Dr. Tiede-
man's experiments — Condusiye observations of Blumenbach — And
others — ^The dvilization of many African nations superior to that of
European Aborigines — ^No deviations in the races of Man sufficient to
constitute distinct spedee — ^Departures from the general rule accounted
for — ^Equal variations observable in our own coimtry — ^Bemarkably ex-
emplified in Ireland.

It is evident then that the deduction of an affinity with the
brate creation, from the allegation of a resemblance between
the Negro and the Monkey, is a mere subterfuge. The
Negroes of Mozambique, whom Barrow describes as infe-
rior to many other Afiricans, may be instanced as exhibiting
those general characteristics which are mostly associated
with our ideas of Negro physiognomy. There are many
Europeans who have countenances exactly resembling these
and other Negroes; and varieties and intermediate grada-
tions, almost imperceptible, may be traced, connecting all
the different races. We perceive, indeed, an astonishing
difference, when we place an ugly Negro (for there are
such, as well as ugly Europeans,) against a specimen of a
Grecian ideal model ; but when we examine the interme-
diate gradations, this striking diversity vanishes. '^ The
physiological characters of the Negro," says Dr. Lawrence,
** taken in a general sense, are as loosely defined as his
geographical distribution ; for among the Negroes, there
are some, who, in smoothness of the hair, and general
beauty of form, excel many Europeans.

a <£rilmb fiit % jligrn.

Clapperton describes the sultan of Boussa^ as having
features more like a European than a Negro. Lander was
struck with the regularity of features^ elegance of form,
and impressive dignity of manners and appearance in the
sable monarch Khiama.

" Of the Negroes of both sexes," says Blumenbach,
" whom I have attentively examined, in very considerable
numbers, as well as in the portraits and profiles of others,
and in the numerous Negro crania, which I possess, or
have seen, there are not two completely resembling each
other in their formation : they pass, by insensible grada-
tions, into the forms of the other races, and approach to
the other varieties, even in their most pleasing modifica-
tions. A Creole, whom I saw at Yverdun, bom of parents
from Congo, and brought from St. Domingo by the Cheva^
lier Treytorrens, had a countenance, of which no part, not
even the nose, and rather strongly marked lips, were very
striking, much less, displeasing : the same features, with
an European complexion, would certainly have been gene-*
rally agreeable."

The testimony of Le Maire, in his journey to Senegal
and Gambia, is to the same effect ; that there are Negresses,
except in colour, as handsome as European women.

Yaillant says of the Kafir women, that, setting aside the
prejudice which operates against their colour, many might
be accounted handsome, even in a European country.

The accurate Adanson confirms this . statement in his
description of the Senegambians: — ^'Les femmes sont a
peu pres de la taille des hommes, egalement bien faites.
Leur form est d'une finesse et d*une douceur extreme.
EUes ont les yeux noirs, bien fendus, la bouche et les levres
petites, et les traits du visage, bien proportionnes. II s*en
trouve plusieurs d'une beaute parfaite. Elles ontbeaucoup
de vivacite, et sur tout im air aise de liberte qui faitplaisir.*'

The JeloSsy according to Mungo Park, although of a
deep black, have not the protuberant lip or the flat nose of

a €riltittE fiir t^ Jfep.

the African countenfuice. Moore testifies concemiog this
tribe to the same effect : — " The Jalofis," says he, " have
handsome features." " Although their colour is a deep
black," says Golbeiry, " and their hair woolly, they are
robust and well made, and have regular features. Their
countenances," he adds, " are ingenuous, and inspire con-
fidence ; they are honest, hospitable, generous, and faith-
ful. The women are mild, very pretty, well made, and of
agreeable manners."*

Pigasetta states, that the Congo N^roes are very like
the Portuguese, except in colour; and Dampier, in his
account of Natal, describes the natives as having an agree-
able countenance.

Dr. Philip, speaking of a family of Bechuanas whom he
visited, says : — " We were very much struck with their fine
figures, and the dignified, easy manner with which they re-
ceived us, TheircounteDancesandmanners discovered marks
of cultivation, accompanied with an air of superiority, which
at once marked the class of people to which they belonged,
and which, under other circumstances, would Have been
admired in an EngUth drawing-room."-f

Isert, a Danish traveller, says : — "Almost all the Negroes
are of good stature, and those of Acra have remark-
ably fine features. The contour of the lace, indeed,
among the generality of these people, is different ^om that
of Europeans ; but, at the same time, feces are found
among them, which, excepting the black colour, would in
Europe he comidered beautifuV'X

Abdallab, a native of Guber, in West Africa, although
having the true Negro features and colour, is described as
having a veiy intelligent, preposessing countenance. §

" On my late tour, in August, 1825," says Dr. Philip,
'* I first came in contact with the Bechuanas. I have

• Golbeny'B TrsToli, vol. I, t Philip'" KCTe<m;hes.

t Fhiloaoph. Mag. m. \4A. § AddbIs of Oriental literature, 537.

a €rihnb fiit % Mt^n.

seldom seen a finer race of people ; the men were generally
well made, and had an elegant carriage ; and many of the
femalet tpere blender, and extremely graceful. I could see
at once, from their step and air, that they had never been
in Slavery. They had an air of dignity and independence
in their manners, which formed a striking contrast to the
crouching and servile appearance of the Slave."*

On visiting a family of this tribe. Dr. Philip observes,
'^ I had in my train a young man who was a native of Lat-
takoo ; and when tliey found out there was a person in our
company who understood their language, they were quite
in raptures. I think I never saw two finer figures than
the father and the eldest son. They were both above six
feet ; and their limbs were admirably proportioned. The
father had a mozt elegant carriage, and was tall and thin ;
the son, a lad about 18 years of age, was equally well pro-
portioned, and had one of the finest open countenances that
can possibly be imagined. The second son was inferior in
stature, but he had a fine countenance also ; and, while
they indulged in all their native freedom, animated by the
conversation of my Bechuana, or began to tell the story of
their misfortunes, expressing the consternation with which
they were seized when they saw their children and parents
killed by an invisible weapon, and their cattle taken from
them, they became eloquent in their address ; their coun^
tenancesy their eyes, their every gesture, spoke to the eyes
and to the heart.^^-f

^^ Teysho, chief counsellor of Mateebe, King of the
Wankeets of South Africa, is a handsome man," says the
same writer ; ** and the ladies who were with him were fine
looking women, and had an air of superiority about them.":};

We have the testimony of another recent traveller, and
resident for some time in South Africa. Thomas Pringle,
in speaking of the Bechuana, or great Kafir family, says :

Some of them were very handsome. One man of the

* Philip's Afirican BeflOttrclies. f Idem. X Idem.

[5jf4i>

% €nMt fin tin Jltgri*

Tamaha tribe, wcuyl think, the finest specimen of the human
figure I ever beheld in any country — ftdly six feet in height,
and graceful as an Jpollo. A female of the same party,
the wife of a chief, was also a beautiful creature, with fea-
tures of the most handsome and delicate European mould.**^
It has often been asserted, that independently of the
woolly hair and the dark complexion of the Negroes,
there are sufficient differences between them and the rest
of mankind, to mark them as a very peculiar tribe. This
may be the case to some extent. Yet from the foregoing
remarks of accredited travellers, it is evident that the
principal differences are not so constant as may generally
be imagined. Many Negroes, we have been informed,
strike Europeans as being remarkably beautiful. This
would not be the case if they deviated much from the
European standard of beauty. Slaves in the Colonies,
brought from the east coast of intertropical Africa, and
from Congo, are often destitute of those peculiarities,
which, in our eyes, constitute ugliness and deformity. *'In
looking over a congregation of Blacks,'* observe Sturge
and Harvey, ** it is not difficult to lose the impression of
their colour. There is among them the same diversity of
countenance and complexion, as among Europeans ; and
it is only doing violence to one's own feelings, to suppose
for a moment that they are not made of the same blood
as our8elves."f

" Bone of our bone, flesh of onr flesH tHon art,
Coheritor of kindred being thou ;
From the full tide that warm'd one mother*8 heart,
Thj veins and ours receiyed the genial flow."

The six Negro craniae engraved in the two first decades
of Blumenbach, exhibit very clearly the diversity of
character in the African race ; and prove, most unequivo-
cally, that the variety existing in individuals amongst

• Pringle*s " Sketches of South Africa."
t Sturge and Harvey's West Indies.

% €nMt for % jStgra.

them, is certainly not less, but greater, than the difference
between some of them and many Europeans.

Amongst the numerous tribes or nations in each division,
comprising the five great varieties which naturalists have
assigned to Man, some come nearer to one, and some to the
other of the two immediately adjoining varieties. K we had
numerous specimens of each, we might arrange them in
such a manner, that the interval between the most perfect
Caucasian model, and the most exaggerated Negro or Mon-
golian specimens, should be filled with forms, conducting us
firom one to the other, by almost imperceptible gradations.
We must, therefore, conclude that the diversities of features
and skulls are not sufficient to authorize us in assigning
the difierent races of mankind in which they occur, to
species originally different. This conclusion will also be
strengthened by the analogies of natural history, to which
reference has already been made. The differences between
human crania axe not more considerable, nor even so
remarkable, as some variations which occur in animals con-
fessedly of the same species. *^ The head of the wild boar
is widely different from that of the domestic pig. The
different breeds of horses and dogs are distinguished by
the most striking dissimilarities in the skull ; in which view,
the Neapolitan and Hungarian horses may be contrasted.
The very singular form in the skull of the Paduan fowl is
a more remarkable deviation from the natural structure,
than any variation which occurs in the human head." *

That the debasement of Slavery and oppression have a
tendency to disfigure the " human form divine," is unques-
tionable ; on the other hand it is equally well knovm, that
civilization, education, and the influence of religion, have
a powerful effect in improving both the form of the head
and features, as well as the expression of the countenance.
Many proofs might be adduced in corroboration of this
statement, which is sufficiently obvious in comparing

* XiAwreiioo b XiOctures.

^ Criimtt fiir % Jlrgro*

persons of various d^rees of education, mental culture,
and refinement.

Stuige and Harvey state, that '^ a gentleman of great
intelligence, long resident in Antigua, remarked to them,
that the features of the N^roes had altered within his
memory, which he attributed to their elevation by educa-
tion and religious instruction. Their countenances ex-
pressed much more intelligence, and much less of the
malignant passions,**' M. Durand observes, " that there is
so great a difference between the Free Black people (in
the Grambia country) and Slaves, in their features, that
even an inexperienced eye distinguishes these classes of
people immediately." John Candler, in his *' Brief Notices
of Hayti," in aUuding to an alteration which he observed
in the general physiognomy of the people, draws from it
the following inference : — '* Perhaps it is that the features
become more agreeable, in proportion as people recede
from the effects and influence of Slavery."

As an illustration of the remarkable effects of education
in altering the features of Man, and entirely changing the
expression of his contenance, we have one circumstance on
record which is very conclusive. I allude to the singular case of
Kaspar Hauser, who was confined in a dungeon in a state
of entire ignorance, till he was about eighteen years of age.
His biographer, Anselm Yon Fuerbach, President of the Ba-
varian Court of Appeal, whose authority may be strictly
relied upon,relate8, '* that on Kaspar's being thrown adrift in
the world, when he was first discovered by the inhabitants of
Nuremburg, his fSace was very vulgar : when in a state of
tranquillity, it was almost without any expression ; and its
lower features being somewhat prominent, gave him a
brutish appearance. His weeping was only an ugly con-
tortion of the mouth, and the staring look of his blue, but
clear bright eyes, had also an expression of brutish obtuse-
ness." Yon Fuerbach expressed a wish at this period,

• "WestlndicB."

a €rilBib for % JtgrD.

that K!aspar's portrait might be taken by a skilful painter,
because he felt assured that his features would soon alter.
His wish was not gratified, but his prediction was soon ful-
filled. The effect of education produced a wonderful
alteration in his whole countenance ; indeed, the formation
of his face altered in a few months almost entirely ; his
countenance gained expression and animation, and the pro-
minent lower features of his face receded more and more,
so that his earlier physiognomy could scarcely any longer
be recognized.*

The alteration and improvement of the features, under
the influence of the civUizing process, is elucidated by so
many indubitable facts, that it is tmnecessary to dwell
longer upon this subject. If the operation of this influence
could be applied more thoroughly and universally, it would
cause a nearer approximation to each other, between the
European and the African, and must tend, in a great mea^-
sure, to obliterate those distinctions, on which the untenable
theories of diversity of origin have been founded, and
which have been adduced in favour of Negro Slavery.
Dr. Philip, from the facts which have come under his
observation, says, he has no hesitation in giving it as his
opinion, that the complexion, the form of the count^iance,
and even the shape of the head, axe much affected by the
circumstances under which human beings are placed at an
early age. In corroboration of the opinion here advanced,
he says, '^ I have had the satisfaction to remark at our Mis-
sionary stations, what appeared to me an improvement, not
only in the coimtenance, but even in the shape of the head,
for three successive generations."

If, as travellers inform us, many Africans differ £rom
Europeans in little else than colour, the peculiar construc-
tion of the head, on the faith of which, some would dass
them as a distinct species, appears to be by no means a
constant character. Dr. Knox, who has entered minutely

* life of Kaspar Haiuer.

ia €xMt fat % 3?fp.

into the study of Man, says, that in considering the lower
specimens of humanity, too much importance has been
attached to the cranium and the science of cranioscopy ;
for it is not in the skulls says he» but in the outer covering
of the body or skeleton, that nature has placed the great
marks of difference. *' Strip off the integuments of Venus,
and compare her with a Bush Woman, and the difference
would be seen to be very slight.'* Dr. Knox, it may be
obseryed, after considerable research, arrives at this impor-
tant conclusion, ** that there is an impassable gulf between
higher order the of animals and the Negro."

I am not very partial to phrenology, but if quantity of
brain and mental superiority have a connection with each
other, we have a high authority, that of Dr. Tiedeman, an
eminent German, for beUeving that no inferiority exists in
this respect, for he asserts that in quantity of brain they
equal the fair races. Dr. Tiedeman communicated a paper
to the British Royal Society, detailing the comparative
examination of the brains of a number of Negroes — size,
weight, conformation, &c., demonstrating that no material
difference exists, between them and the brains of the
White races.

Professor Blumenbach, the great German physiologist,
bestowed much labour and research on the question of
Negro capacity. He collected a large number of skulls,
and also a numerous library of the works of persons of
African blood or descent. He is, perhaps, the greatest
authority, in favour of the identity of species and equaUty
of intellect of the Black and White races. It is to Blumen-
bach, that we are indebted for the most complete body of
information on this subject, which he illustrated most suc-
cessfully by his unrivalled collection of the cranise of differ-
ent nations, from all parts of the globe. His admirable work
On the Varieties of the Human Species, contains a short
sketch of the various formations of the skull in different na-
tions ; but he has treated the subject at greater length, and

a €rMt fax % JStp.

with more minute detail, in his Decades Craniorum, in which
the cranise themselves are represented of theimatural size*
From the results of the observations of Blumenbach and
others, it appears then, that there is no characteristic what*
ever in the organization of the skull or brain of the Negro
which affords a presumption of inferior endowment either of
the intellectual or moral faculties. If it be asserted that the
African nations are inferior to the rest of mankind, from
historical facts, because they may be thought not to have
contributed their share to the advancement of human arts
and science, the Mandingoes may be instanced as a people
evidently susceptible of high mental culture and civi-
lization. They have not, indeed, contributed much
towards the advancement of human arts and science, but
they have evinced themselves willing and able to profit
by these advantages when introduced among them. The
civilization of many African nations is much superior to
that of the aborigines of Europe, during the ages which
preceded the conquests made by the Goths and Swedes in the
north, and by the Romans in the southern part. The old
Finnish inhabitants of Scandinavia had long, as it has been
proved by the learned investigations of Riihs, the religion
of fetishes, and a vocabulary as scanty as that of the most
barbarous Africans. They had lived from ages immemorial
vrithout laws, or government, or social union ; every indi-
vidual in all things the supreme arbiter of his own actions ;
and they displayed as little capability of emerging from the
squalid sloth of their rude and merely animal existence.
When conquered by a people of Indo-German origin, who
brought with them from the East the rudiments of mental
culture, they emerged more slowly from their pristine bar-
barism than many of the native African nations have since
done. Even at the present day, there are hordes in various
parts of northern Asia, whose heads have the form belonging
to the Tartars, to the Sclavonians, and other Europeans, but
who are below many of the African tribes in civilization.

e;V

% €tMt fsx % JItgrn.

It is evident, firom what has already been adduced, that
there are no differences in the form or component parts of
the human body, amongst the various races of men, in any
d^ree similar to those which zoologists are accustomed to
employ, as distinctive characters. The peculiarities by
which they are distinguished from each other are not mate-
rial ones, existing only so long as the circumstances in
whidi they are placed, and which originally gave rise to
them, remain unchanged. There is no variation in the
number or form of the extremities, which being least acted
upon by situation and habitude, are usually considered as
the surest test of distinct species. AU races of men have
the same number of fingers, of toes, and of teeth ; while
a very slight variation in any of these in animals consti-
tutes the mark of a distinct species.

The departures from the general rule, in various nations,
and frequently in individuals of the same country, are
easily solved, by the abundance or scarcity of food, and by
other causes favourable or otherwise to the development of
the human growth. We may witness partial demonstra-
tions of this in our owu country ; a difference is every
where observable between the leisurely opulent classes and
those who are of necessity subjected to considerable mus-
cular exercise, and that in the open air. Take '^ the lady,**
who lives almost constantly within doors, employed at the
utmost in netting or needlework, and contrast her slim and
delicate firame with the coarse robust figure of the fish-
woman or female field-labomrer, who works hard in the
open air all day, and it is impossible to doubt that circum-
stances influencing their physical conditions have made
them respectively what they are. A similar contrast is ob-
servable between the powerful frames of a set of male
rustics, such as we find in almost any of the provinces
of Britain, and the diminutive forms of the inhabitants
of London. The cause is obvious. Constant muscular
exercise in the open air, accompanied by nutriment

a €rilmb fin tju Mt^n.

sufficient in quantity and healthful in kind, develope
the bone and muscle of the one order of persons to a pow-
erful degree, while the want of muscular exercise, and a
life spent mostly within doors, act on the other with an
opposite effect, notwithstanding the advantage of perhaps
a superior diet. Even the natural difference as to softness
and elegance between the sexes, may be reversed by the
operation of these causes. The women of Normandy, who
labour constantly in the fields, are become much more mas-
culine in form than the petit maitres of Paris ; and we
could, in our own country, point out many men, who, from
parlour life, are infinitely more feminine in stature and the
texture of the flesh, than many rustic women. It gene-
rally requires a series of generations to bring out these
results in their fullest extent; but even in the life of a
single individual the effect may often be traced. Thus we
often see, amongst the rustic population, females who are
comparatively elegant in form and of delicate complexion
in their early years, but who become coarse after a brief
experience of out-door labour.

When, in addition to hard labour and exposure to the
elements, there is an absolute deficiency of food and com-
fort, human beings become, in the course of a few generations,
much degraded in form and aspect. An interesting remark,
which bears upon this subject, has been made respecting
the natives of some parts of Ireland. *' On the plantation
of Ulster, and afterwards on the success of the British
against the rebels of 1641 and 1689, great multitudes of
the native Irish were driven from Armagh and the south
of Down into the mountainous tract extending from the
barony of Flews eastward to the sea ; on the other side of
the kingdom the same race were expelled into Leitrim,
Sligo, and Mayo. Here they have been almost ever since,
exposed to the worst effects of hunger and ignorance, the
two great brutalizers of the human race." The descendants
of these exiles, are now distinguished physically, from their

i^;^

a €xMt fiir tin Mt%n.

kindred in Meath, and in other districts^ where they are
not in a state of personal debasement. They are remark-
able for ** open projecting mouths, prominent teeth and
exposed gums: their advancing cheek-bones and de-
pressed noses carry barbarism on their very front.'* In Sligo
and northern Mayo, the consequences of two centuries of
degradation and hardship exhibit themselves in the whole
physical condition of the people, *^ affecting not only the
features, but the firame, and giving such an example of
human degpradation from known causes, as almost compen-
sates by its value to future ages, for the suffering and
debasement which past generations have endured, in per-
fecting its appalling lesson. " Five feet two inches upon
an average, bow-legged, abortively-featured ; their clothing
a wisp of rags, &c., these spectres of a people that once
were well-grown, able-bodied, and comely, stalk abroad
into the daylight of civilization, the annual apparitions of
Irish ugliness and Irish want." In other parts of the
island, where the people have never undergone the same
influences of physical degradation, it is well known that
the same race furnishes the most perfect specimens of
human beauty and vigour, both mental and bodily."*

* Dublin ITiiiTerBity Magazine, toI. ir., p. 653.

CHAPTEB V.

Complexion the most obTious external diBtinotion in Mm — Suppoaed to
Bubrert the theoiy of a Unity of Bace — ^Analogous in animala — Chief
cause of dirersity of Colour — Gradation in different latitudes — ^And
in the same latitudes, at yariouB elerations — Peculiarities of Struc-
ture and Complexion become hereditary — ^IlluBtrationB — ^In the House
of Austria^-The Gipsies— Jews— The most strildng instance of pecu-
liar National Countenance — Persons of the same blood — Amongst
the great and noble — ^The colour of Man not always corresponding
with Climate, explained — Persistency of Colour not so great as
supposed — ^Instances of Negroes becoming light-coloured — Of Whites
who have become black — ^True Whites not unfrequently bom among
the Black races — Sereral instances recorded — If Colour is a mark of in-
feriority in Man, it attaches a stigma to a great portion of the inhabi-
tants of the world — The Hindoos — Their learning two thousand years ago
— ^Natives of Terra del Fuego much lighter than the Negro, but infiorior
in the scale of intelligence — Condusion from the &cts already stated —
Black colour of the Negro a meroifal prorision — ^Dr. Copland's remarks
on this subject — The inquiry into Unity of Spedee admirably summed
up by Buffon.

The most obvious external point of distinction among
mankind is the colour of the skin, a peculiarity of little
natural, but which has become one of great moral impor-
ance. It is the dark colour of the African that has been
especially urged^ as subverting the theory of a unity of
races. Although a general survey of organized bodies, in
both the animal and vegetable kingdom, by no means leads
us to regard Colour as one of their most important distinc-
tions, but, on the contrary, will soon convince us that it
may undergo very signal changes without essential altera-
tions of their nature, (and the remark holds equally
good of the human subject), yet the different tints and
shades of the skin, offering themselves so immediately
to observation, and forcing themselves in a manner, on the
attention of the most incurious, have always been regarded

a €xMt Ut tjn Mt%n.

by the generality of mankind as the most characteristic
distinction of separate races.

That this idea is entirely an erroneous one, is proved (as
in other cases of variation) by a reference to various parts
of the animal creation, colour in them being in no instance
a mark of species. If we take a collective survey of the
diversities of colour, distinguishing particular breeds in
animals, we shall discover that, with considerable allow-
ance for the organization of new varieties in form and
organic structure, the primitive type and hue is stamped
upon each kind. Though the same animals va^ in colour
in the same country, each has more frequently its own dis-
tinctive peculiarity, ^lian informs us that Eubaea was
famous for producing white oxen.* Blumenbach remarks,
that ** all the swine of Piedmont are black, those of Nor-
mandy white, and those of Bavaria are of a reddish brown."
" The turkeys of Normandy," he states, ** are all black ;
those of Hanover almost all white. In Guinea, the dogs
and the gallinaceous fowls are as black as the human inha-
bitants of the same country.'*f

To enter into a full discussion of this subject would lead
us beyond our limits. A few more observations must suf-
fice. That colour in Man is much influenced by climate
is evident, and its variation appears to a considerable ex-
tent gradadonal throughout different parts of the globe.
" The heat of the climate," says Buffon, "is the chief cause
of blackness among the human species." Without assu-
ming, however, that solar heat is the alone agent affecting
the colour of Man, the action of the sun in darkening the
hmnan tint is too obvious to be denied or unnoticed. How
swarthy do Europeans become who seek their fortunes in
the tropics or under the equator, who have their skins
parched by the burning sims of " Afric or either Ind."
The effects are soon visible in their complexion, in the
most distinct manner. A child, however fair, if allowed to

* JSlum, lib. zii. cap. 86. f Priohard.

— ^

a ^rilittte for % Jltgm

romp in the open air, without any shade over the head, will
become what is called sunburt or dusky in a few months.
If we observe the gradations of colour in different
localities in the meridian under which we live, we shall per-
ceive a very dose relation to the heat of the sun in each
respectively. Under the equator we have the deep black
of the Negro ; then the copper or olive of the Moors of
Northern Africa ; then the Spaniard and Italian, swarthy
compared with other Europeans ; the French still darker
than the English ; while the fair and florid complexion of
England and Germany passes, more northerly, into the
bleached Scandinavian white. At last, indeed, the grada-
tion is broken, for a dusky tint reigns along the whole
circuit of the Arctic border. The cause of this is not well
explained ; but the universal prevalence of a dusky hue
under that latitude, seems clearly to indicate that there is
something in the climate with which it is Connected.
During their short but brilliant summer, the sun, perpetu-
ally above the horizon, shines with an intensity unknown
in temperate climates. May not the natives who spend
this season almost perpetually in the open air, in hunting or
fishing, receive from it that dark tint, which is not easily
effiiced ? It may be partially smoke-brown, for the
tenants of all this bleak circuit necessarily spend half the
year in almost subterraneous abodes, heated by fires as
ample as they have fuel to maintain ; the smoke of which,
deprived of any legitimate vent, constantly fills their apart-
ments, and must have an effect in darkening the com-
plexion, to which it very closely adheres.*

It may be remarked, that in the central regions of
America there are many shades of colour in different paiis,
amongst nations evidently one in origin, the variations bear-
ing a general reference to the situations in which the people (Ctnc^^
are respectively placed. For instance^ the inhabitants of
high grounds in Central America, are pale compared with

* Mturay'B Korth Afflflrion,

a €rMt firt tju Jltgrn^

those of the low districts. Here we cannot doubt that
climate has operated, either in clearing the dusky or ren-
dering dusky the white.

In the case of the aborigines of Hindostan, who are dark
in complexion, the action of climate is clearly observable ;
and is proved by the circumstances of the female inhabi-
tants of the harem, derived firom the same stock, being
generally very fair. This is unquestionably the conse-
quence of their secluded life, which prevents that exposure
of person which their relations of the other sex neces-
sarily undergo.

Let us survey the gradations of colour on the continent
of Africa itself. The inhabitants of the north are whitest;
and as we advance southwards towards the line, and those
countries in which the sun's rays fall more perpendicularly,
the complexion gradually assumes a darker shade. And
the same men, whose colour has been rendered black by
the powerful influence of the sun, if they remove to the
north, gradually become whiter (I mean their posterity),
and eventually lose their dark colour.

It is well known, that in whatever region travellers ascend
mountains, they find the vegetation at every successive level
altering its character, and gradually assuming the appearances
presented in more northern countries; thus indicating, that
the state of the atmosphere, temperature, and physical agen-
cies in general, assimilate, as we approach alpine regions, to
the peculiarities locally connected with high latitudes. If,
therefore, complexion, and other bodily qualities belonging
to races of men, depend upon climate and external con-
dition, we should expect to find them varying in re-
ference to elevation of surface ; and if they should be
found actually to undergo such variations, this will be a
strong argument that these external characters do, in fact,
depend upon local conditions. Now, if we inquire respect-
ing the physical characters of the tribes inhabiting high
tracts in warm countries, we shall find that they coincide

a ^riliiib &r t|t jltp*

with those which prevail in the level or low parts of more
northern tracts. The Swiss, in the high mountains above
the plain of Lombardy, have sandy or brown hair. What
a contrast presents itself to the traveller, who descends into
the Milanese territory, where the peasants have black hair
and eyes, with strongly marked Italian and almost Oriental
features. In the higher part of the Biscayan country, in-
stead of the swarthy complexion and black hair of the
Castilians, the natives have a fair complexion, ynih light
blue eyes, and flaxen, or auburn hair. *

In the intertropical region, high elevations of surface,
as they produce a cooler climate, occasion the appearance
of light complexions. In the higher parts of Senegambia,
which front the Atlantic, and are cooled by winds from the
Western Ocean, where, in fact, the temperature is known
to be moderate, and even cool at times, the light copper
coloured Fulahs are found surrounded on every side by
black Negro nations inhabiting lower districts ; and nearly
in the same parallel, but on the opposite coast of Africa,
are the high plains of Enarea and Kaffa, where the inhabi-
tants are said to be fairer than the inhabitants of southern
Europe.f

It must be observed, that all varieties of structure and
complexion which are congenital, that are a part of the ori-
ginal constitution impressed upon an individual from his
birth, or that arise from the development of a natural ten-
dency, are hereditary, or liable, with a greater or less degree
of certainty, to be transmitted to o£&pring. Persistency
in this respect is, however, far from invariable, and appa-
rently, much more uncertain as regards colour than any pecu-
liar formation of the body, as will be shown hereafter. In
general, the peculiarities of the individual are transmitted
to his immediate descendants ; in other instances they have
been observed to reappear in a subsequent generation, after
having failed, through the operation of some circumstances

* Priohard. f Idem.

issiA

m €xMi fiir tjit jitp.

quite inexplicable, to show themselves in the immediate
progeny. This fact has been noticed by Lucretius : —

" Fit qnoqne ut interdmn similes existere aToniin
Possiat, et referant proayomm ssspe fignns ;
Proptem quia multa modis primordia multis
ICista BOO oeiUn&t in ooipore ssspe paientes,
QiuD patrUms patzes tradunt k stirpe profecta.
Inda Yeniis yariA producit sorte figuras,
Mqormnque refiert voltiis Tooesque, oomasqne.*'

Many striking instances of singularities of structure,
originating in the human kind, as well as among animals,
have occasionally arisen and been propagated through many
generations. The growth of supernumerary fingers or toes,
and corresponding deficiencies, are circumstances of this
description. Maupertius has mentioned this phenomenon ;
he assures us that there were two families in Germany,
distinguished for several generations, by six fingers on each
hand, and the same number of toes on each foot. * Many
similar peculiarities have been recorded as being transmit-
ted through successive generations, f

The thick lip introduced into the imperial house of Aus-
tria, by the marriage of the Emperor Maximilian with
Mary of Burgundy, is visible in their descendants to this
day, after a lapse of three centuries. { Haller observed,
that his own family had been distinguished by tallness of
stature for three generations, without excepting one out
of numerous grandsons descended from one grandfather. ||

The gipsies afford an example of a people spread over
all Europe for the last four centuries, and nearly confined
by marriages, and their peculiar way of life, to their own
tribe. In Transylvania, where there are great numbers of
them, and the race remains pure, their features can be
more accurately observed. In every country and climate,
however, which they have inhabited, they preserve their

* Priohard. f Idem, toI. i., chap. ir.

t Coxe's Mem of the House of Austria. || Elem. Physiol, lib. xxiz.

a €tMt fat tjji Jltgnr*

distinctive character so perfectlyy that they are recognized
at a glance, and cannot be confounded with the natives.

But, above all, the Jews exhibit the most striking in-
stance of a peculiar national countenance, so strongly
marked in almost every individual, that persons the least
accustomed to physiognomical observations, detect it in-
stantiy ; though noteasily understood or described. Religion
has, in this case, most successfully exerted its power in
preventing communion witii other races ; and this exclusion
of intercourse has preserved the Jewish countenance so
completely, in every soil and climate of the globe, that a
miracle has been thought necessary to account for the con-
tinued transmission.

It is owing to native or congenital peculiarity of form
and complexion being transmitted by generation, that we
perceive a general similitude in persons of the same blood.
Hence we can frequentiy distinguish one brother, by his
resemblance to another, or know a son by his likeness to
the father or mother, or even to the grand-parents. All
the individuals of some families are characterised by par-
ticular lines of countenance, and we frequentiy observe a
peculiar feature continued in a family for many generations.

The great and the noble, have generally had it more in
their power to select the beauty of nations in marriage ;
and thus, while without system or design, they have merely
gratified their own taste, they have distinguished their
order, as much by elegant proportions of person, and
beautiful features, as by its prerogatives in society. This
remark is universally applicable. ** The same superiority,*'
says Cook, *' which is observable in tiie erees, or nobles,
in all the other islands, is found here, (Sandwich Islands.)
Those whom we saw, were, without exception, perfectiy
well formed : whereas, the lower sort, besides their general < ; -ky^
inferiority, are subject to all the variety of make and
figure that is seen in the populace of other countries.'**

* Lawxenoe^B Lectures.

I n^i

eKlii

a €rMt fcr tjn jStgrn.

Dr. Philip was particularly struck with the difference
between ihe appearance of the chiefs and their families^
and the common people (in South Africa) ; the superior
class were taller in their stature ; ''their countenances ap-
proached nearer to the European model than those of a
lower rank ; their complexions were lighter^ and they had
an air of nobility about them^ which indicated that they
were bom to command."* " The men of Ashantee/' says
Bodwick, ** are very well made ; the women also are gen-
erally handsome ; but it is only among the higher orders
that beauty is to be found ; and among them, free from all
labour or hardship^ I have not only seen the finest figures,
but in many instances, regular Grecian features, with
brilliant eyes, set rather obliquely in the head."*

When any characters have become thoroughly worked
into the system, it is only probable that they should for
some time survive the causes which gave them birth, especi-
ally when no very active ones are in operation. This may
serve for the solution of many cases, in which the colour
of Man and the climate do not appear to correspond. The
Chinese, descended from the Mongols, still retain a modi-
fied Mongol visage and shape. The natives of New South
Wales spring from the Oriental Negro, and continuing,
from their rude habits, exposed to the constant action of
sun and air, they have remained black. In like manner
may we account for Indostan being still peopled by races
of various form and colour.

These are cases especially urged by those who argue in
fi&vour of a diversity of species in Man, on the ground of
features and colour. Instances are also adduced, in which
individuals transplanted into another climate than that of
their birth, are said to have retained their peculiarities of
form and colour unaltered, and to have transmitted the same
to their posterity for generations. But cases of this kind,
though often substantiated to a certain extent, appear to

* Philip's BeMorohes. . t Bodwick, p. 318.

SI €xMt fer % Stgrn.

have been much exaggerated^ both as to the duration of
time ascribed, and the absence of any change. It is highly
probable, that the original characters will be foimd under-
going gradual modifications, which tend to assimilate them
to those of the new country and situation.

The Jews, however slightly their features may have assi-
milated to those of other nations amongst whom they are
scattered, from the causes already stated, certainly form a
* very striking example as regards the uncertainty of per-
petuity in colour. Descended from one stock, and pro-
hibited by the most sacred institutions from intermarrying
with the people of other nations, and yet dispersed, accord-
ing to the divine prediction, into every country on the
globe, this one people is marked with the colours of all :
fair in Britain and Germany; brown in France and in
Turkey ; swarthy in Portugal and in Spain ; olive in Syria
and in Chaldea ; tawny or copper-coloured in Arabia and
in Egypt ;♦ whilst they are " black at Congo in Africa/'f

The researches of Dr. Prichard have dispelled many of
the ideas formerly entertained with respect to the general
persistency of colour and features in the human race, espe-
cially of colour, on which the greatest stress has been laid.
In some particular states of the constitution, the skin of
Whites becomes, either wholly or in part, black. On
the other hand, it is well known that the Black loses part of
his original tint in a state of civilization. It is remarked,
in the United States, that while Negroes kept at field-
labour retain their pristine colour, those who are domesti-
cated as servants become paler at the second and subse-
quent generations, and also lose their African features and
other peculiarities. There are also instances of Negroes
losing their original colour wholly or in part, under the in*
fluence of disease or some other constitutional affection.
Dr. Strach records the case of a man who was converted
by a fever into a perfect Negro in colour. Blumenbach

* Smith on the Complexion of the Human Species. t Prichard.

a €n\ivAt for tjif ^egrn.

describes a young Negro, in London, who became white
in the middle of his body, and also about the knees,
¥nthout ill health having any concern, appparently, in pro-
ducing these appearances. Other instances are recorded
of Negroes, in different countries, without the action of
any apparent disease, gradually losing their black colour and
becoming as white as Europeans. An example of this kind
is recorded in the '^ Transactions of the Philosophical
Society.'* Klinkosch mentions the case of a Negro who
lost his blackness and became yellow ;* and Caldani de-
dares that a Negro, at Venice, was black when brought
during infancy to that city, but became gradually lighter
coloured.f There are throughout Africa several nations,
unquestionably Negro originally, who have acquired hand-
some forms and faces, as well as a lighter tint, in consequence
of their living in mountainous regions, approaching to the
temperate climate.

Instances of white people who have become black, in
consequence of migrating into tropical latitudes, are more
rare, and not so distinctly made out ; yet, according to
several accurately informed and scientific writers, such as
Waddington, Dr. Riippell, and M. Rozet, there are black
races in Africa, among the genuine descendants of emi-
grants from Arabia. Detachments of the Arabian family
migrated, eleven or twelve hundred years ago, into northern
Africa, where they have founded states of some import-
ance, and, in some instances, they have passed into a per-
fectly black complexion ; although improved in form and
stature, and notwithstanding that they reside to the north
of the Negro countries. A remarkable fact in the history
of Loango, in the empire of Congo, is, that the country,
according to a statement which was fully credited by Olden-
dorp, himself a viriter of most correct judgment and of
unimpeachable veracity, contains many Jews settled in it,

Klinkosch, de reA natura Cuticulse ; Frag. 1775.
t Caldani Institut. Physiol. 170.

91 €rihitte &r % Jltgra,

who retain their religious rites and the distinct habits
which keep them isolated from other nations* Though
thus separate from the African population, they are black,
and resemble the other Negroes in every respect as to
physical character.* It is probably in allusion to this case
that Pennington, in his '^ Text Book/* says, '^ the descend-
ants of a colony of Jews, originally from Judea, settled
on the coast of Africa, are black."f M. Rozet declares
that there are many Negresses in the Algerine coxmtry,
whither they have doubtless been brought from the inte-
rior of Soudan, and very probably from Haussa, who are of
a jet black colour, but with truly Roman countenances, j;
In one case, a degradation resembling that instanced among
the Irish people, has been recorded to have taken place in
the oasis of Fezzan. " The general appearance of the men
in that locality is plain, and their complexion black ; the
women are of the same colour, and ugly in the extreme.
Neither sex is remarkable for figure, height, strength,
vigour, or activity. They have a very peculiar cast of
countenance, which distinguishes them from other Blacks ;
their cheek-bones are higher and more prominent, their
faces flatter, and their noses less depressed and more pointed
at the top than those of other Negroes. Their eyes are gen-
erally small, and their mouths of an immense width, but
their teeth are generally good ; their hair is wooUy, though
not completely frizzled." They are a dull phlegmatic
people. Here we have, with black skins, Negro faces, and
woolly hair, a people descended from the white tribes of
Arabia, and who still speak the language of that country.

The Portuguese who planted themselves on the coast of
Africa a few centuries ago, have been succeeded by des-
cendants blacker than many Africans.§

Langsdorf mentions an English sailor who had been for

* Oldendorp^B Qeflcliiote der MiBsion der ErangeUschen Briider, &c.

t Text Book, p. 26. t M. Boset's Toyage, U. 140.

§ PenniDgton'B Text Book, p. 96.

% €xMt fiir \^ Jlfgra.

some years in Nukahiwah, one of the Marquesas Islands^
becoming so changed in colour that he was scarcely to be
distinguished from the natives.*

It is a remarkable circumstance attending the black
people in Africa, in India, and in Central America, that
amongst them Albinos are frequently bom ; that is, per*
sons of a pure dead white, with white hair and red eyes.
This is thought to be a diseased condition ; but, besides
these, there are instances by no means unfrequent, of true
Whites being bom amongst ike Black races. This fact was
long doubted ; but it seems to be now set at rest. White
children, or Dondoes, are frequently bom from Black
parents in all parts of Africa. Many of them are of what
we should call a fair complexion. Among the Funge, a
race of Shilukh Negroes, who, some himdred years ago,
conquered and settled in Sennaar, they are particularly
numerous ; insomuch as to have formed a separate caste,
distinguished by the name of El Aknean (the red people.)
Bufibn has given a minute description of a white Ne-
gress, bom in the island of Dominica, of black parents,
who were natives of Africa, f A white Negro is described
by Dr. Goldsmith, who saw him exhibited in London. He
says, '^ upon examining this Negro, I found the colour to be
exactly like that of a European ; the visage white and
ruddy^ and the lips of the proper redness.'* " However,"
he adds, ^' there were sufficient marks to convince me of
his descent." % Burchell has given a description of a female
of a light complexion, bora from the race of the Black
Kafirs in Soutii Africa. ** The colour of her skin was of
the fidrest European, or, more correcdy described, it was
more pink and white." Her features were those of her
race, the parents being genuine Kafirs. § Dr. Winterbot-
tom mentions two white Negroes of the Mandingo country,
from the testimony of an eye-witness. He describes from

* LangBdorfB Yoyages, V. p. 90. f Pridiard.

t OoldnnitVs Hist. Earth and Anim. Nat., ii. 24. § Pricliard.

■>n

dL/^

a €n\ask kx t{u jUtgni-

his own observation^ a white Negro woman whom he saw
in the Sooson country, whose relatives were all black. No
doubt could be entertained of her being of genuine N^pro
origin. Pallas has minutely described a white Negress
seen by him in London in 1761. She was bom of Negro
parents in Jamaica, and was sixteen years of age. She was
of small stature, fair complexion, with ruddy lips and cheeks.
Her hair was quite woolly, and of a light yellow colour.
This girl had the Negro features strongly marked, and had
every appearance of genuine Negro descent. There are
many other well attested accounts of such persons, but it
would be tedious to enumerate them. The foregoing are
brought forward merely to show that the dark colour of the
Negro is neither constant, nor always entailed on posterity,
and therefore can form no criterion of a distinct species.

Besides the numerous varieties in colour, which the
different races of men present, there are other points of
distinction equally obvious, and found to exist with similar
regularity. Some of these are considered of minor import-
ance, as the shade of the hair, eyes, beard, &c.

If complexion be made to constitute the great mark of
inferiority in Man, if it be accounted the distinguishing
livery of degradation and servitude, the stigma is equally
attached to a great part of the inhabitants of the world ;
the sentence of imbecility must necessarily be passed on
a very large portion of mankind ; for " the dark-coloured
races," says Dr. Lawrence, ** cover more than half of the
earth's surface.*' The colour of many of the Hindoos is
perfectly black, as black as any Negroes. The Brahmins of
the highest order are black. Yet the dark colour of the
Hindoos is often united with a delicacy of form and expres-
sion, arising from habits of mind and of life, which render
them in this respect, the antipodes of what the Negro is sup- ^^-^
posed to be. This people, it is said, calculated eclipses
2000 years ago, and at a more recent period astonished
Alexander the Great, and his savans, by their advancement

:<3

a Ctihafe fiit % jSigrn.

in ciirilization. Here we have an incontrovertible evidence
that neither inferiority, nor imbecility, are the necessary
accompaniments of a coloured skin. It may be observed,
that there are portions of mankind much lighter in com-
plexion than Negroes, who are, nevertheless, their inferiors
in an intellectual point of view. Whilst the dark races of
Africa are often found to produce intellects of respectable
capacity, sometimes above mediocrity, the natives of
Terra del Fuego, who are much lower in the scale of human
intelligence, are far from being tiaged with so deep a
dye, and have hair more nearly resembling that of the
European races.

Every one who will make himself acquainted with facts,
must be satisfied that the whole of the pretexts alleged in
support of the assumption of some of the races of Man
being irremediably inferior to others, are as entirely falla-
cious, as the opinion of such being the case, has been per-
nicious in its consequences. The deviations from a common
model in mankind, it has been proved, are less in degree than
those which are found to exist in many other parts of the
animal creation. Not one of the distinctive characters that
can be adduced, in any of the varieties constituting the great
family of Man, is sufficient to warrant the supposition of
anything approaching to distinct species. It has been
shown that there are differences equally great, and even
greater, between individuals of the same family, and fami-
lies of the same nation ; and we may discover particular
men, and even entire families, in this country, who are
intellectually weaker, than any reasonable person could
pretend the generality of the Africans to be.

Whatever may be the immediate or remote causes of the
dark complexion of the Negro, or other races, philosophical
enquiry, if unable fully to solve the problem, has at all
events proved it to be a provision of mercy and benevolence.
It can be shown that hot water, in vessels of different
colours, and equal capacities, cools faster in the dark or

a €iMt fax % Jlip-

black ones. The black colour of the native of tropical
regions may justly, then, be considered as a wise expedient
provided by Omnipotence, for cooling or modulating the
fever of the blood, under the influence of a scorching sun.
To call in question the proper humanity of the Negro, to
scorn him on account of his colour, is to insult that Grreat
and Allwise Being, who, by the most beautiful and benevo-
lent provision, thus protects him from the deleterious influen-
ces around him. Copland, in his ** Dictionary of Practical
Medicine," observes : — '* The skin of the dark races is not
only different in colour, but is also considerably modified
in texture, so as to enable it to perform a greater extent
of function than the more delicately formed skin of tiie
white variety of the species. The thick and dark rete
mucosum of the former, is evidentiy more suited to the
warm, moist, and miasmal climates of the tropics, than that
with which the latter variety is provided. The skin of the
Negro is a much more active organ of depuration than that
of the White. It does not merely exhale a larger proportion
of aqueous fluid and carbonic acid from the blood, but it
also elaborates a more unctuous secretion ; which, by its
abundance and sensible properties, evidentiy possesses a
very considerable influence in counteracting the heating
effects of the sun*s rays upon the body, and in carrying off
the superabundant caloric. Whilst the active functions,
aided by the colour of the skin, thus tend to diTniniJtb tiie

heat of the body, and to prevent its excessive increase by
the temperature of the climate, those materials that require

removal from the blood, are eliminated, by this surface ;

which, in the Negro especially, perform excreting functions

very evidently in aid of those of respiration, and of biliary

secretion, &c." ♦

The interesting branch of philosophical investigation we

have been pursuing, is admirably summed up by Buffon :

— " Upon the whole," says he, " every circumstance concurs

* Article — dimato.

a €nMi fitt tjiB Mi^n.

in proving, that mankind are not composed of species
essentially different from each other ; that, on the contrary,
there was ori^nally but one species, which, after multiply-
ing and spreading over the whole surface of the earth, has
undergone various changes from the influence of climate,
food, mode of living, diseases, and mixture of dissimilarindi-
yiduals ; that, at first, these changes were not so conspicuous,
and produced only individual varieties ; that these varieties
became afterwards more specific, because they were ren-
dered more general, more strongly marked, and more
permanent, by the continual action of the same causes ;
that they are transmitted from generation to generation, as
deformities or diseases pass from parents to children ; and
that, lastly, as they were originally produced by a train of
external or accidental causes, and have only been perpe-
tuated by time, and the constant operation of these causes,
it is probable that thej will gradually disappear, or at
least that they will differ from what they are at present,
if the causes which produced them should cease, or if
their operation should be varied by other circumstances
and combinations."

In the consideration of the various points of distinction
which the external appearance of Man presents, one cir-
cumstance ought, therefore, to be deeply impressed on the
mind, viz. : — that neither peculiarity of conformation nor
colour, have the slightest reference to original endowment,
either in a mental or moral point of view, and consequently,
that no race whatever has been doomed to perpetual degra«
dation. In all himian beings the same nature has been

implanted, in however different degrees ; and no man,
whatever be his colour, or form, or country, is so low in

the intellectual and moral scale as to be entirely deficient

of any one of the properties which constitute the most

splendid talent and virtue.

CHAPTER VI.

Not in HxUrtud Characteristics alone that Man is pre-eminently distin-
guished — In Articulate Language — Its uniyersality — Total absenoeamong
brutes — Uniform traits in human nature — Superior Psychical endow-
ments — ^Reason and Intellect — Unirersal belief in a Supreme Being—
And ideas of his attributes, existence of the soul after death, and a state
of retribution — Preralence of similar inherent ideas amongst therarious
Negro tribes — They possess the same internal prindplee as the rest of
manldnd — ^And a portion of that Spirit which is implanted in the heart
of '* eyery man" — Further coincidence when oonyerted to Christianity —
Early attempt to oonyert the Slayes of the Caribbee Islands — Its sin-
gular success ; as also in other Islands — Subsequently in Afinca and the
West Indies — ^After restoring to the Negro his rightful liberties, it is
our duty to promote the cultiyation of his moral and religious Acuities —
Final blending of all the yarious tribes in harmony,

Our observations have, thus far, been confined almost
exclusively to the consideration of the physiological dis«
tinctions of Man. It is not, however, in external charac-
teristics alone that we are able to discriminate our species
from that portion of the inferior animal creation which
most nearly resemble us. It is neither in these solely, nor
even principally, that the great differences consist, by which
Man is so pre-eminently distinguished, and which separate
him, at so wide an interval, from the most anthropomor-
phous of animals.

The use of articulate language may be regarded as one
of the most peculiar and charaqteristic endowments of
mankind. The universality of its existence among our
species is a fact not less striking than its total absence
among brutes, even those which make the nearest approach
to perfection, and in whose organization nothing has been
discovered that precludes its use. We may have heard of < j>^
cliildren being bom dumb, but there is no tribe of men
without speech. There are uniform traits in human
nature and habitudes, both intellectual and moral, which

Siil

1 ^rilnitt far t^ Jltgni.

may be regarded as fixed principles of action, as well as
the more yariable ones, exhibited in the nse of artificial
clothing, fire, the necessary arts of life, arms, and the prac-
tice of domesticating animals. These are all peculiar
characteristics of Man, inasmuch as they do not exist in
the brute creation, beyond what mere instinct may teach.

Perhaps there are no traits existing in animated
beings more characteristic of species, than the psychical
qualities with which Providence has severally endowed
them. Under this term may be included the whole of the
sensitive and perceptive faculties, reason, inteUect, feel-
ings, sentiments, &c., or, what in the lower animals
approaches nearest to them.

Reason and inteUect, with the feelings, sjrmpathies, in-
ternal consciousness of mind, and the habitudes of life and
action resulting therefrom, are perhaps the most real and
essential characteristics of humanity. These are common
to all the races of Man ; they stamp him with an infinite
superiority over any of those animals which most nearly re-
semble him, and they will ever constitute an impassable gulf
between the one and the other. A full and complete in-
vestigation of these attributes, would require a comprehen-
sive survey of human nature in its various relations. Our
limits vriU not permit us to traverse so wide a field. The
reasoning powers of Man being everjrwhere self-evident,
what I shall endeavour now more particulariy to illustrate,
is the universality of certain ideas or apprehensions, by
nature inherent in every portion of our species.

There are individuals, apparently amongst all the races
of men, who, even in an uncivilized and barbarous state,
entertain ideas, fiEdnt and imperfect though they may some-
tunes be, of the existence of a supernatural power, by
which all things exist and are controlled ; differing often
materially in t^eir conceptions of its nature and attributes,
and having also various methods of worshipping and en-
deavouring to conciliate the favour of this Great Power, to

felsLi

a €n\aAt fox % j&tgrn.

yf which they hold themselves to be subject and responsible, &c.

Availing myself largely of the admirable " Researches" of
Dr. Prichard on this subject, I shall be enabled to demon-
strate the general prevalence of such ideas amongst the
Negro tribes, and, in addition to their conception of a
Supreme being, a belief in their responsibility to that
Being, their apprehension of the existence of the soul
after death, and also of a state of retribution.

It is commonly said that the religion of the African
nations, those at least who have not embraced Mahomed-
anism, is the superstition of Fetisses ; that is, of charms or
spells. This expression conveys a notion which is not
perfectly correct. The superstition of charms or spells
holds a place in the minds of the idolatrous Negroes, but
this does not preclude a very general prevalence in their
belief of the first principles of natural religion. It may
be observed, that among nations enjoying a much higher
degree of mental culture, the prevalence of superstitions
and practices, more or less resembling the Fetissism of
Africa, may be recognised.

Barbot, in' his description of Guinea, relates, that
^* Father Godfrey Loyer, apostolical prefect of the Jaco-
bites, who made a voyage to the kingdom of Issini, and
studied the temper, manners, and religion of the natives,
declared they had a belief in one universally powerful
Being, to whom the people of the countries visited by
Father Loyer, address prayer." " Every morning," he says,
^* after they rise, they go to the river side to wash, and
throwing a handful of water on their head, or pouring sand
with it to express their humility, they join their hands and
then open them, whispering softly the word * Eksuvais.*
Then lifting up their eyes to heaven, they make this
prayer [translated], — * My God, give me this day rice and (fpvp)
yams, give me gold, &c.'"

The excellent missionary, Oldendorp, who appears to
have had rare opportunities, and to have taken great pains

a €xMt fet t^ jgfgni.

to become accurately acquainted with the mental history
of the Negroes, assures us that he recognised among them
an universal belief in the " existence of a God/* whom
they represent as very powerful and beneficent. " He is
the maker of the world and of men ; he it is who thunders
in the air, as he punishes the wicked with his bolts. He
regards beneficent actions vnth complacency, and rewards
them with long life. To him the Negroes ascribe their
own personal gifts, the fruits of the earth, and all good
things. From him the rain descends upon the eiurth. They
believe that he is pleased when men offer prayers to him
in all their wants, and that he succours them in dangers,
in diseases, and in seasons of drought. This is the chief
God, who lives far from them on high ; he is supreme over
all the other gods.'*

** Among all the Black nations," continues Oldendorp,
" with whom I have become acquainted, even among the
utterly ignorant and rude, there is none which did not be-
lieve in a God, which had not learnt to give him a name,
which did not regard him as the maker of the world, and
ascribe to him more or less clearly all the attributes which
I have here briefly summed up. Besides this supreme
and beneficent divinity whom all the various nations wor-
ship in some way or other, they believe in many gods of
inferior dignity, who are subject to the chief Deity, and
are mediators between him and mankind.'**

"The Negroes," says Oldendorp, "profess their de-
pendence upon the Deity in different ways, especially by
prayers and offerings. They pray at different times, in
different places, and, as the Amina Negroes told me, in
every time of need. They pray at the rising and setting

* In UiiB aooount of the religion of the Negroes, Oldendorp asaerte tliat
he relatee nothing which he has not receiyed immediately and exactly firom
the Kegroes themselTes. — See C. Q-. A. Oldendorp's G^hiohte der Mission
der Erangelisohen Brflder anf den Oandbaischen Inseln St. Thomas, St.
Croix, nnd St. Jan ; 1777, s. 818.

^\^

% €iMt for % JSigrn.

of the sun» on eating and drinking, and when they go to
war. Even in the midst of the contest, the Amina sing
songs to their God, whom they seek to move to their assist-
ance by appealing to his paternal duly. The daily prayer
of a Watje Negress was, * O ! God, I know thee not, but
thou knowest me ; thy assistance is necessary to me/ At
meals they say, ' O 1 God, thou hast given us this, thou
hast made it grow ;* and when they work, ' O ! God, thou
hast caused that I should hare strength to do this.' The
Sember pray in the morning, * O ! God, help us ; we do
not know whether we shall live to-morrow ; we are in thy
hand.' The Mandingoes pray also for their deceased firiends."

The Kafirs are not, as some have thought, destitute of
religious ideas. The Kosas believe in a Supreme Being,
to whom they give the appellation of Uhlunga, supreme,
and frequently the Hottentot name Utika, beautiful. They
also believe in the immortality of the soul. They have
some notion of Providence, and pray for success in war and
in hunting expeditions, and during sickness for health and
strength. They conceive thunder to proceed from the
agency of the Deity, and if a person has been killed by
lightning, they say that Uhlunga has been among them. *

The Watje Negroes assemble at harvest upon a pleasant
plain, when they thank God thrice upon their knees, under
the direction of a priest, for the good harvest, and pray to
him for further blessings. When they have risen, the
whole assembly testify their gratitude to God by their
rejoicing, and clapping of hands, f

** Of the Bliakefa, the priests of Karabari and of Sokko,
it is remarkable, that they give some instruction to the
people concerning the Divinity and prayer. The Negroes
come to them for this purpose, either singly, or in compa-
nies, when they pray with them, on their knees, that God,
whom they call Tschukka, will protect them from war, cap-
tivity, and the like."

• Prichard*8 Besearohes. t Oldendoip.

% €xMt for tjn Mt^n.

*' There is scarcely any nation of Guinea which does not
believe in the immortality of the soul, and that it continues
to live after its separation from the body, lias certain neces-
sities, p^orms actions, and is especially capable of the
^oyment of happiness or misery." *

" The N^oes believe almost universally that the souls
of good men, after their separation from the body, go to
God, and the wicked to the evil spirit, whence, at the death
of their chiefs, they make use of the expression, * God
has taken their souls !' The Loango imagine the abode of
the blessed to be where Sambeau Pungo, that is, God,
dwells ; but hell, to be above, in the air, while others on
the contrary suppose it to be deep in the earth.'*

*' Those who will candidly consider these facts," says
Dr. Prichard, ''and give them their due weight, must allow
that they prove the same principles of action, and the
same internal nature in the African races as are recognized
in other divisions of mankind : and this conviction will be
increased by a careful perusal of all the details which the
Missionaries have afforded, of the progress of their conver-*
sion, and of the moral changes which have accompanied it."

It is evident, from the foregoing statements, that the
N^oes of Africa exhibit, in their original and primitive
state of mind, untaught by foreign instructors, at least
within the reach of history, the same internal principles,
in common with the rest of the human family. However
latent, and even imperceptible it may sometimes be, they
are undoubtedly endowed with a portion of that Spirit,
which the Almighty has implanted in the heart of '' every
man that cometh into the world." Let us endeavour to
ascertain how far the process of their conversion to Chris*
tianity, indicates a further coincidence of feeling and sen-
timent between them and the other divisions of mankind.

The first attempt to convert the Slaves of the Carib-
bean islands to Christianity, originated in a meeting of some

* Oldendorp.

a €uMt ht tjiB Miffa.

followers of Count Zinzendorf, with one Anthony, a Negro
from the island of St. Thomas, who had been baptized at
Copenhagen. This man represented in so strong colours
the wretchedness and ignorance of his countrymen and
relatives, and urged so zealously his entreaties on the bre-
thren to undertake their conversion, that the congregation
at Hermhut, before whom he had been induced to appear,
were disposed to make the attempt under the most unfa-
vourable circumstances. The work proceeded slowly at
first, and amidst great opposition ; yet a small number of
hearers were soon collected, some of whom gave signs of
sincere conversion, and of disgust at their former courses
of life. When Bishop Spangenberg visited the mission in
1736, he foimd in it not less than SOO Blacks who attended
the services of the brethren, who evinced a great desire to be
instructed in the Christian religion. By the constant exhor-
tations of the brethren, a perceptible change was soon pro-
duced in the minds and characters of the Negroes. In 1793
Count Zinzendorf visited the island, and was filled with
astonishment at the greatness of the work which had
been accomplished.

The other Danish islands, St. Croix and St. Jan, were
afterwards visited by the Moravian Missionaries, whose
exertions were attended with like success. In 1768, the
number of Negroes who had been baptized in the three
islands by the missionaries during thirty-four years,
amounted to 4711.

It may be said that there is no evidence in this, that
Negroes are capable of receiving all the impressions
implied in conversion to Christianity. This evidence
can only be fully appreciated by those who read the bio-
graphical notices, and other particulars detailed by the
historians of the commimity to which Oldendorp belonged.
But no part of the evidence is more conclusive, than the
selection of short homilies composed by Negro preachers
or assistants, and addressed by them to congregations of

a €nMt fax % jlip.

Mi their cotmtrymen. Some of these^ though they do not

rival in strength of diction the discourses of Watts or
Doddridge^ breathe the same spirit, and were evidently
written under the influence of the same sentiments and
impressions. A selection of these addresses has been ap-
pended by Oldendorp to his work, which I have so often
cited. Translations of a few of them wiU be found in the
subsequent pages of the present volume.

On the majority of the Negro race, the light of the
Gospel has never yet shone fully ; the seeds of truth im-
planted in their hearts have made but little progress. Yet
there are, both in Africa and the British West Indies, thou-
sands and tens of thousands of them who have been brought
to the '^excellent knowledge of Christ/* with all the spirit-
stirring, controlling, and cheering truths of religion, some
of whom now, even firom childhood, assisted by the pious
instruction of the Missionary, catch with the first opening
of their understandings, the rays which emanate from the
Gospel sun. Numerous societies, too, and congregations
of adults, listen to the truths of the Gospel, meditate on
them at their labours, talk of them in the hut, sing them
in hymns, and in admonitory advices commend them to
their children. The light of religion has now penetrated,
so to speak, the solid darkness of minds hitherto left with-
out instruction ; it has struck the spark of feeling into
hearts unaccustomed to salutary emotions: the darkness
is not yet dissipated, but that day has dawned upon the
ebon race of Africa, which never more shall close.

The facts recorded in the present chapter are very con-
clusive; they need no comment, demonstrating as they do, so
clearly, that the despised African is blessed with the same
living principle, the same psychical endowments, by which
Man is everywhere so pre-eminently distinguished. Let
then, the rightful liberties of the injured Negro be restored
to him, and, as a recompense for the long series of in-
juries inflicted on their unhappy race, let it be our concern

a €rMt fiir tin JIfgtn.

to promote the cultivation of their intelleotual and religions
faculties, and endeavour to bring the animal propensities
their uncivilized nature may possess, under the control of
their moral sentiments. The intellectual faculties may at
first be small, the moral sentiments weak, and the animal
impulses powerful ; but every exercise of those which are
good will make them better ; while the bad, by being con-
trolled, will gradually become more controllable. It is evident
that the Deity has designed Man to be to a great extent his
own creator, furnishing only the elements from which by an
active exercise of what he has, he may work out higher
gifts. And though the progress he makes may be so
slow, that, like some of the great astronomical movements,
its full effects cannot be detected by any single generation,
it is not the less sure. Human improvement becomes
always more and more rapid in its course, for every new
generation starts at the point at which the preceding one
had attained. There is every reason to hope, then, that
ultimately, civilization will become universal, and that all the
various tribes of the earth will be vnlling to join harmoni-
ously, in the exercise of those sentiments by which men on
earth may furnish a species of heaven.

CHAPTER VII.

Beep-rooted prejudice to eradicate respecting Colour in Man — Less in
Europe tlian the New World — Eyinoed in the caae of Douglass —
National expression of sympathy for him from the British public — ^The
« Douglass Testimonial" — British Christians respect the Diyine image
alike in ebony and ivory — Effects of prejudice in South Africa — ^Ameri-
cans deeply implicated in this feeling —Hare an interest in keeping it
up— Strongest in the !Free States — Sereral instances of its nature and
extent — Circumstance exhibiting a striking contrast in favour of the
Sable race — ^Further effects of prejudice — Public opinion so strong in
the United States that it is dangerous to protest against the Unchristian
conduct practised towards persons of Colour.

Previous to the advent of that glorious era which
the conclusion of our last chapter predicts, much deep-
rooted prejudice, the growth of centuries, will require to be
overcome. A thorough change in public opinion must be
wrought, before an entire reconciliation can take place
between the White and Black races. Although the pre-
judice against the latter does not exist in Europe to the
extent to which it is carried in the New World, there are
too many on this side the Atlantic who entertain the faUa-
cious idea that a black skin necessarily confers an inferiority
on its possessor; and some of the professed friends of the
Coloured race, who deprecate Slavery as unjust, are still
unwilling to extend towards them the full rights of social
intercourse and Christian fellowship.

In consequence of our coming so little in contact with the
objects of this prejudice, opportunities do not often occur
to elicit the real feeling amongst us towards them ; and
when they do occur, whatever private opinions individuals
may hold, the popular feeling is so much on the side of
the Negro, that ideas of prejudice, for the most part,
remain quietly suppressed in the bosoms of those who
entertain them. But the gross indignity offered to Fre-
derick Douglass, and the unwarrantable injustice done to

a ^xMi fer tju JIfgni.

him about a year ago, in depriving him of his purchased
right to a cabin passage in the ship *' Cambria/' is a circum-
stance which cannot be overlooked. That a British agent,
upon British soil, should be found to yield to a despicable
prcgudice, and deliberately persevere m refusing, to an
honourable and noble-mmded man> the enjoyment of un-
questionable rights, was an act as disgraceful to our coimtry
as it must have been painful to the feelings of a fellow
creature. It affords but another feature of that hateful
system which drives the Negro to the cotton field, which
^separates him from his family, and reduces him to the
condition of a chattel. The facts of the case may be stated
as follows : —

Frederick Douglass, a h]gUy-req>ectable and talented
Coloured gentleman, from America, who had been for
some time advocating the rights of his oppressed biethren
in this country, being about to return to his native
land, applied to the Lcmdon agent of the Cunard steamers
for a cabin passage to Boston from Liverpool, aad engaged
a berth in the *^ CMnbria," paying the stipulated sum. He
took the precaution of inquiring whether the fact of his
being a Man of Colour would be any bar to his enjojrmeiil
of full social intercourse, and was told that he would be
entitled to all the rights and privileges of other eabifi pas^
seng^nk On die morning of the day of sailing, accom^
panied by several kind friends, he pres^ited himself on
board the steamer at Liverpool, and having i^fied fer the
cabin for which he had paid, he was politely informed diat
it had been approjMriated to another passenger, and that
unless he consented to take his meals ^one^ he oould not
be admitted as a passenger. There was no tune f<Mr legal
redress ; the '* Cambria'* was sailing die next morning, and
an affectionate family were awaiting the arrival of a bus*
band and father on the other side of the Atlantic.

Tins conduct was in strong contrast with the fact, that
during the nmeteen previous months, hh distinguished

% €sMt firr tjit jitp*

talents, his amiable maanent andbis high moral worth, had
prea him a ready admiavkm into the best English society.
It waa only when he came nndef eomm^Nnal influences,
that his colour was discovered to be a sufficient reason, not
for denying to him, in advance, the right to acquire a con-
reyance in the ship on the advtftised t«nns of passage, but
for breaking a solenm contract already entered into, and
ratified by the payment and acceptance of his money, and
the delivery to him of his berth certificate. Whence this
exclusion ? Was he unfit for social intercourse with the
other passengers 2 Was he suf^osed to be a suspicious
charaet^ ? No such thing. Oon '' who has made of one
blood all nations of men" had given him a darker complexion
than any of the other passengers, and {or this he was in-<
suited, degraded, and socially excluded. The circumstance
was said to be mainly attributable to the saloon emapany
bmng partially c<MnpQsed of Americans* Be this as it may,
it must be remembered, that the act took place in England,
in Liverpool — and on board a steam*ship, a large propor-
tion of whose proprietors are EngUshmoi!— yes, these
firee-bom Englishmen consent, *^ for filthy lucre," toaregu-
laticm which excludes firom social intercourse some of the
the finest specimens of humanity which evar came firom the
hand of God. Such treatment bowed Douglass's spirit to
the uttermost, and he parted from his friends on board
the steamer, the next morning, with absolute agony, yet
throughout, he evinced much Christian bearing and unsub-
dued moral firmness under the infliction of this outrageous
wrong. One of his fiiends, in allusion to this circumstance,
wrote as follows :-^" I never felt the real dignity of his cha-
racter, as on this trying occasion. With the spirit of his
Lord and Master, he calmly bore the outrage. ' When he
was reviled, he reviled not again;' but he exhorted us to be
temperate, and above all, not to let blame attach to parties
who were guiltless." It is but justice to the Captain of the
Cambria" to add, that he kindly and promptly placed his

31 €nMt fet t^ Hfgra.

own cabin at Douglass's disposal, and assured him of every
attention. He consequently took his meals there, seeing
that his society, however highly it had been prized in
Great Britain, was not good enough for these represen-
tatives of the American republic.

The Tinlooked for, and unwarranted treatment, of one so
deservedly esteemed in this country, roused the sympathies
of the British public. From the cottage to the lordly
mansion — ^from the hamlet to the cities of our land, was felt
the injustice he had experienced, and the cry was Shame !
Shame ! As a more full expression of the genuine feeling
of national sympathy, it was determined that an appropriate
Testimonial should be presented to the sufferer, whose only
crime was the complexion given him by his Creator ! A
public subscription was commenced, which soon exhibited
a sum total of £500, This sum was forwarded to Frederick
Douglass by the Boston mail steamer, along with a valuable
library of books collected by a lady in the south of Eng-
land. It was intended that the amount should be applied
in behalf of the millions, who still lie crushed under the
rod of the oppressor ; or in such a manner as shaU tend to
elevate the moral and intellectual condition of the Coloured
people, and to assist in bursting those fetters which have
so long held them in thraldom.

In the Douglass Testimonial^ the aristocracy of the skin
will have a substantial proof that British Christians respect
the Divine image, alike in ebony and ivory ; and that true
nobility of character, generous self-sacrifice for the good of
others, and an honest, daring advocacy of human rights, are
appreciated in this coimtry without reference to complexion.
The friends of Negro liberty will be glad to learn that
Frederick Douglass has already provided himself with an
excellent press and printing materials, out of the proceeds
of the British subscription, and has established a weekly
anti-Slavery paper, at Rochester, State of New York, en-
titled The North Star. The object of The North Star, is

V ,

(ska

^^^

a €nMt fax % jifp.

to attack Slavery in all its forms and aspects, to advocate
universal emancipation, to exalt the standard of public
morality, to promote tlie moral and intellectual improve-
ment of the Coloured people, and to hasten the day of
freedom to the three millions of our enslaved fellowmen.
We wish it every encouragement and success, and cannot
doubt it will be a formidable instrument in bringing down
the walls of the modem Jericho.*

Of the effects of prejudice, in another quarter of the
world, we have strong proof in the following circumstance
related by Thomas Pringle in his ^^ Residence in South
Africa.'' A clergyman, he states, refused to marry Chris-
tian Grroepe, a Mulatto Hottentot, a most respectable and
well-educated man, because the poor woman could not ac-
curately repeat the Church Catechism ! ** The fact is,"
says Pringle, '' there existed a strong prejudice among the
White Colonists against the full admission of the Coloured
class to ecclesiastical privileges, and the majority of the
colcmial clergy were so little alive to the apostolic duties
of their sacred office, as to lend their sanction, directly or
indirectly, to these unchristian prejudices, which were ako
counteiianced by the Colonial laws."

"As for religion," says Dr. Philip, "it was considered a
serious crime to mention the subject to a native. They
were not admitted within the walls of the churches. By
a notice stuck above the doors of one of the churches, ' Hot-
tentots and dogs^ were forbidden to enter."

Our trans-atlantic brethren are very deeply implicated
in the ungenerous and anti-Christian prejudice against
colour, and in America it may be said to pervade all classes
of the community. Their churches being often composed
of Slave-holders, or those connected in some way or other

* The price of the Nbrih Star ib two dollars (88. 6d.) per annum, if
paid in adranoe^ or two dollars and a half (IDs. 6d.) if payment be delayed
orer six months. English subscribers will be liable to an additional charge
of 2d. per week postage. The names of subscribers may be sent to T. P.
Barkas, Grainger Street, Newoastle-on-T^e.

a ^rilntte fia % jSignr.

with the system^ are nearly all more or less deeply imbued
with the predominating feeling in regard to the African race.
There is» indeed, an interest there, in keeping up this pre-
judicial feeling. Few, if any of the Christian communitiea^
are exempt from a portion of that load of guilt, which
perradesyree and religioua America like a feculent fog;
and unless there be a thorough change in this respect, and
the rights of mankind become fiilly recognised, and ex-
tended to every shade of colour, no other result can ration-
ally be contemplated, than a prolongation for generati<ms
yet to come, of those manifold indignities, and similar re*
volting scenes of wrong and barbarity, which are now
inflicted on millions of the down-trodden race of Africa.
Happily this prejudice is steadily giving way, yet many
instances might be mentioned, of frequent occurrence, which
prove it to be still very strong; and in general, the striking
language of De Beaumont, a recent French traveller in the
United States, will be found too true. '^ The prqudice
against colour," says he, ''haunts its victim wherever he
goes, — in the hospitals, where humanity suff<»s, — ^in the
churches, where it kneels to God, — ^in the prisons, where it
expiates its offences, — in the grave-yards, wh^re it sleeps
the last sleep."

I do not now altogether allude to the prejudice against
the Slave population, but to the general tone of feeling
against the whole mass of the descendants of Africa; for
the extent to which it is carried, appears to be greatest,
according to every authority, in those States of America
which hold no Slaves. It seems remarkable, that the
strongest prejudice against Colour should exist in the F^ee
States, and against JFree Coloured persons/ But such is
the case, and the feeling is stronger towards them in pro<r
portion to their advancement in a moral or religious point
of view, or their rise in the scale of society. There is
never any objection expressed to mixing with Coloured
people while they are Slaves; as such, the daintiest ladies

^e'A

(£^l>

% €nMi fax t|pt $t%xL

and gentlemen do not hecdtate to ride in the same carriage
iritk tbem^ to have them about their peiBons, and to nurse
their children. ''Their sufferings/* says IL C. Howdls,
''are just in proportion to their exaltation in society, to
then: mental attainments, to the acuteness of their religious
feeling, and to their standing in social life. It is not the
class of Ck>loured people sunk in degradation, wretchedness,
ignorance, and filth, that are despised supremely in the
United States. Strange to tell, they are not the people
gainst 'vdiom the prejudice of the United States seems to
bear. No ; those who are sunk in degradation are sup-
posed to be in their prefer position, and they are passed
by as the swine that wallow in the mire, with indifference,
it being scarcely thought worth while to point the finger
of acorn at them. I was once in the funily of Mr. Forten,
a Coloured gentleman of Hdladdphia, a man of the most
refined and courteous character, with a wife full of amia^
bility and Christianity, and elegance of deportment, with
a fine lovely family of sons and daughters, and I saw the
tears trickle down her cheeks when, speakii^ of the Coloured
people, and the indignities they wesre called to endure,
fllie said: — In proportion as Coloured persons are respect-
able, ao are thrir auffmngs ; we cannot even go out 0£ our
own home without haring a company of degraded crea^-
tores nmning after us in the streets and calling out,
* Nigger, nigger !' "♦

The prejudice i^ainst colour is stronger in Barbadoes
than in any of the British colonies, although the Coloured
class of its population are numarous, wealthy, and respect-
able, comprising some of the first merchants of the
island. The public opinion of the colony is powerful, and
exercises an unfavourable influence, the Blacks being con-
sidered an mferior race by nature, bom to a servile con-
dition ; and a spirit of caste is cherished between the
Wyte, Black, and intermediate races.

• Speech of H. C. HowellB, A. 8. Ooilt. 1840.

r>r^:^

A Coloured gentlemaQ/' says Joseph Sturge, " in-
formed me^ that last winter, his wife being about to take
a journey by rail to Philadelphia, she v^as compelled,
though in delicate health, to travel in the comfortless ex-
posed car, expressly provided for Negroes, though he
offered to pay double fare for a place for her in the
regular carriage."*

'^ To give some idea of the extent to which the prejudice
against persons of Colour operates," says George Thomp-
son, ** I will state one or two facts. J had occasion to go
from the city of New York by means of a steam vessel.
I was on the deck of the vessel when a four-wheeled car-
riage came up, from which two very well-dressed persons
got out. They were persons of Colour, though not very
dark. . They occupied a space about mid-ship, and I took
occasion to watch the conduct of the passengers and crew
towards them. The bell rang for supper, and I went down
into the cabin. Some time afterwards I returned to the
deck. A thick mist, almost equal to rain, had fallen. I
discovered this couple leaning upon a large heap of lug-
gage, and perceived that they were excluded from the com-
pany. I went down into the cabin and fetched up a friend.
Dr. Graham, with whom I had before conversed upon the
subject, and who had denied that such prejudices existed.
Come, Doctor, said I, and judge for yourself. He came
upon the deck. The gentleman and lady had removed
from the place where I had left them, and were standing
at the door of the kitchen, a situation which the cooking
and other things that were going on rendered very offen-
sive. The gentleman was earnestly entreating the cooks
to let his lady go in and sit down there during the night.
The Doctor said, why do you not go and put your wife into
a berth ? The gentleman replied, I would willingly give
twenty times the value for a berth, but I am not allowed.
1 saw that delicate female, who was in circumstances

• Stiirge*8 United States.

% €riliBtf fnr % JStp.

that required sympathy and attention, sit down upon
a butter tub which was turned up for her, and there
she remained during the night. There was another case,
in which a gentleman took a Coloured man down into the
cabin with him. The captain instantly said, * Take that
Coloured man away !' ' What,' said the gentleman, ' will you
not allow him to stay with me V * No ! nor you either if
you take his part.' ' Then I do take his part,' said the gen-
tleman. The captain then took the White gentleman by
the throat, and considerably maltreated him. He then put
him on shore, and left him midway."

** I was once travelling in a carriage," says George Brad-
bum, (a member of the Massachusetts legislature), ^* into
which twelve or thirteen persons, most of them my friends,
were crowded. Accompanying us was another carriage, in
which there were only two persons ; but they were Coloured
persons. For the purpose, as well of bearing testimony
against this prejudice, as of getting a more comfortable
seat, I got into the carriage with the two Coloured men.
At this, my friends felt themselves so much scandalized,
that one of them said, it had sunk me fifty per cent, in his
estimation ; and others doubted, if they could ever more
give me any of their votes." ♦

** In the state in which I live," says Col. Miller, '^ one
of the judges was once travelling in the night. A lady was
in the carriage. The night was cold. ' Madam,' says he, ' I
hope you do not feel the cold!' and again, ^ madam, I hope
you do not suffer from the inclemency of the season.' He
paid her other compliments also. When they came to the
inn, the waiter brought in a light, when he found that it
was a Black lady to whom he had been so remarkably polite.
He was filled with confusion, and ran out of the room with
the waiter. People are shocked at the idea of regarding the
Coloured people as their equals. ' What !' they cry, * are we
to live with the Niggers ? What ! all mixed up together,

* Speebh in Anti Slareiy GonTentioii, 1840.

a €xMt kt t^ jgfgrn*

as if we were all tlie same sort of flesh and blood V ^ ^
A thousand instances of this kind nught easily be cited^
but as they are not exactly within the scc^e of the present
work, further than being iUustratiYe of the effects of that
prejudice which results from the idea of inferiority attach^
ing to the Negro race, I shall conclude with a few extracts
from John Candler's *^ Brief Notices of Hayti/^ the first ex^
hibiting a striking contrast nmch in favour of the SaUe race.
'^ Our first visitor at Jacmel wsb a Mulatto gentlewoman,
the widow of a Black man, who had filled the office of
Collector of the Customs, and who occupied one of the
best houses in the place. She had lived in the United
States, spoke our language fluently, and came to pay
us respect as strangers. This kind-hearted matron paid us
several visits, entertained us at her table, and introduced
us to some of the best families of the place. Her conduet
was the more remarkable, as, in America, she had suffered
grievous persecution from the cruel prejudice existing in
that country against Colour. Her first husband was a sea
captain : on one occasion, she left the shore with him in a
boat, to take a final leave of him on board a vessel, and was
carried by the winds to a greater distance from home than
she expected. The boat re-conveyed her to the shore and
landed her at a strange place. Seeing a tavern, ^e made
her way to it to obtain lodging for the night : the landlady
looked at her repulsively, and spumed her from the door*
* We take in no Niters here,' was her coarse lan^^uage ;
' if you want to rest, go to the Nigger huts on the top of
the hill !' The poor lady told us her heart was too full to
bear this imchristian rebuke with meekness : she sat down
and burst into tears. She did, however, toil up to the
Negroes' huts, and was there received kindly. The Ameri-
cans, in their own estimation and boast, are the finest
people on the face of the globe : according to the terms of
their constitution, ' all men are free and equal ;' yet they

* Speech in Anti SlaTery OonTention, 1840.

( < " v^

1 €xMt fat tilt Stgm.

treat the houseless stranger, if tinged mth a coloured hue,
as one of nature's outcasts ! Whenever a White man firom
America or Europe fbUs sick in Jacmel, no one is so ready
to offer to nurse, and show him kindness, as this poor de-
spised woman» whose mother was an African* What a
contrast; and what a striking lesson does such a &ct as this
teach to ihe proud republicans of * Columbia's happy land.'

** The son and son-in-law of General Inginac, Secretary
of State for Hayti, on their return home a few years since
from Paris, where they had been received in a manner
suited to their rank and station in life, landed at New York,
with a view of visiting the United States ; but no tavern
or boarding-house keeper would receive them as guests, for
fear of giving offence to the inhabitants of that city. One
of the richest merchants at Port-au-Prince, whose father
was one of Christophe's Barons, assured me that he went
into a wooDen draper's store in Philadelphia, and desiring
to be measured for a black coat, the storekeeper retorted
with an impudent fidsehood, * We have no cloth here, Sir:'
a hatter also, whose store was attended^ when he called, by
some White customers, refused to sell him a hat 3

*' Such," adds John Candler, *' is the tyranny of public
opinion in this profiessedly free land, that a man dare not
protest against conduct like this, and call it as it is, bar-
barous and imchristian, without the danger of being treated
contemptuously."

CHAPTER VIII.

Result of the idea of inferioritj in the Negro raoe a prolongation of their
oppression — Unequal rights and priyileges — ^Their tendency — ^Htonan
beings possess certain inalienable rights — ^AU men created equal — ^Ac-
knowledgment of this great doctrine in the A"*«"*^" Declaration of
Independence — Slavery a stain on the gloiy of America — ^A lie to the
declaration of the Federal Constitution — Columbia may yet redeem her
character — "No new laws required — ^Only that all should be placed on an
equality — "No exemption of the Negro J)rom law, but should ei\joy its
prcteeUan — Slayety said to be only a nominal thing— A fiiJse statement
— Observations on equitable laws--Justioe always the truest policy —
America called to a great and noble deed — ^Address to Columbia.

In countries wliere one class of beings look down upon
another as an inferior race. Slavery and intolerance pass
unnoticed, they are seldom regarded as inconsistencies
among those who have had the misfortune to be brought
up in the midst of them. It has been justly remarked by
an eminent writer, that, although by the institution of dif-
ferent societies, unequal privileges are bestowed on their
members, and although justice itself requires a proper re-
gard to such privileges, yet he who has forgotten that men
were originally equal, easily degenerates into the Slave, or,
in the capacity of a master, is not to be trusted with the
rights of his fellow-creatures.

While it is now universally admitted, that the natural
tendency of the exercise of uncontrolled authority is to
harden the heart, extinguish the moral sense, and give birth
to every species of crime and calamity, it is evident that
the wealthy part of the community are elevated in the scale
of being by the effective legislative enactments by which
the poor are protected from oppression. The barbarizing
effects of uncontrolled authority on minds in the least dan-
ger of being corrupted by its influence, may be seen in
every page of the history of human nature, and is well
illustrated in the invaluable tract of Bishop Porteus on the

a €nMt fax tjn Sfgtn,

Effects of Christianity on the temporal concerns of mankind.
After having pourtrayed with glowing indignation^ the hor-
rid condition of those in a state of servitude among the
polished and civilized Greeks and Romans, we find the
following judicious remark : — " These are the effects which
the possession of luilimited power over our species has ac-
tually produced, and which (unless counteracted and sub-
dued by religious principle) it has always a natural ten-
dency to produce, even in the most benevolent and best
cultivated minds."

When such is the general effect, what must it be where
one class of people is considered as inferior beings ?
Where all the avenues to preferment are closed to them,
where no prize is held forth to ambition, where their minds
are without wholesome stimulants, there can be no energy
in the national character. Different degrees of rank and
office are necessary in all well-constituted societies ; but
laws which are made for favouring one part of the commu-
nity, and depressing another, give rise to, and increase
those moral obliquities, which destroy the proportion and
mar the face of society. Invidious distinctions, by which
one class of men is enabled to trample upon another,
engender pride, arrogance, and an oppressive spirit in the
privileged order, while they repress everything noble and
praiseworthy in the oppressed. ^

It has been justly remarked, that the noblest, the most
elevated distinction of a country, is a fair admimstration of
justice. Nothing can be done to elevate and improve a
people, if the administration of justice is corrupt ; but to
insure a pure administration of justice in a country, it must
be accessible to all classes of the community. In a state
of society where there is one law for the White Man and
another for the Black, and the sanctions of the law are bor-
rowed to render the latter the victims of oppression, moral
distinctions are confounded, and the names of virtue

• Dr. PhiKp.

% ^tilistr for t^ -etgnt.

and vice come to be r^^ded lu excbaogealile terms.
Independeat of printed statutes, there are oertain li^ta
which human beings possess, and of which they caanot he
deprived but bj manifest injustice. The wanderer in the
desert has a right to his life, to his liberty, his wife, his
children, and his property. The Negro has an undoubted
right to these, and also to a fur remuneration fen his labour ;
to an exemption &om cruelty and oppression ; to choose
the place of his abode, and to enjoy the society of his chil-
dren. No one can deprive him of these rights without
violating the laws of nature and of nations.
** Tk Ubertj aloiu tliat girM the flower
Of flMting life ita liwtie and pcrfuae i
And ir« IN weedi Tithont it. All ooMtisint,
Xxoept wliat wiidom Isji on aril men,
Ig eril ; bnrta tbe fiHTultiea, impedta
Ttiai ptopBw in the road of KJeoM ; Mind*
Tbe ejetigbt of diwoTer; t and bcgeti.
Id thoM that •nfl'eT U, ■ loidid mind,
Unfit to be the tenant of man'i noble form." *

The great doctrine, that God hath " created all men
equal, and endowed them with certain inalienable rights,"
and that amongst these are " Hfe, liberty, and the pursuit of
happiness," is afSrmed in the American Declaration of In-
dependence, and justified in the theory of its constitutional
laws. But there is a stain upcm its glory ; Slavery, in its
most abject and revolting form, pollutes its s<nl ; the wail-
ings of Slaves mingle with ita songs of libeitf ; and the
clank of their chain is heard, in horrid discord, with the
chorus of their triumphs. The records of the States are
not less distinguished by their wise provisiona for securing
the order and maintaining the institutions of the coimtiy,
than by their ingenious devices for riveting the chain, and
perpetuating the degradatitn a£ their Coloured brethren ;
— their education is branded as a crime, — their freedom is
dreaded as a blastiiq; pestilence, — the bare suggestion of

^>ik>

St €iMt fax % Mtffi.

their emancipation is proscribed as a treason to the cause
of American independence. These things are related with
sorrow^ and with feelings deeply deploring the flagrant in-
oonsutencj so glaringly displayed between the lofty prin-
ciples embodied in the great charter of the liberties of the
Union and the evil practices which have been permitted to
glow up nnder it.

The monstrous and wicked assumption of power by
man over his fellow man^ which Slavery implies, is alike
abhorrent to the moral sense of mankind, to the immutable
principles of justice, to the righteous laws of Ood, and to
the benevolent principles of the Gospd. It ought, there-
fore, to be indignantly repudiated by all the fundamental
laws of truly enlightened and civilized commimities. But
behold the debaong servitude in which millions of the
Negro race are still held in the United States, by a people
calling themselves Christian, and boasting of their country
as the freest on the earth. What a mockery of religion
was (mce the conduct of Great Britain towards the Slaves
in her colonies — ^what a mockery of religion is the present
conduct of America ; and what a lie to the declaration of
her federal constitution, that '' aU men by nature are free
and equal.**

Columbia may yet redeem her character ; but if the
claims of the suffering Negro are not speedily heard, the
treatment of that people will eontinue to be one of the
foulest blots upon her national honour that ever stained
the escutcheon of the most degenerate nation.

** Columbia ! upon thy shore
The fettem clank : arise !
And let tlij noble eagle soar
UnmUM to the slues."

We ask for no new laws ; we simply require that the
diflferent classes of inhabitants should have the same civil
rights granted to thenu The liberty required is not an ex->
emption from the law, but the advantage of its protection ;

a €rilinte ftr % JiBgrn.

the law grants no rights to the White man which it
may not extend with perfect safety to all classes. All we
ask for is, that the enslaved tribes should be placed on an
equality with the long dominant race in civil and religious
liberty ; that the people who have been, for generations,
deprived of the inalienable rights conferred upon them by
their Creator, and oppressed by a system of Slavery, should
have the enjoyment of those rights restored to them.

It is argued by the abettors of Slavery, that it is only
a nominal thing, that the power of extreme punishments,
&c. are rarely resorted to, and are used reluctantly. In
every Slave country there are undoubtedly masters who
desire and purpose to practice lenity to the full extent
which the nature of their relation to the Slaves will allow.
Still, human rights are denied them. They lie wholly at
another's mercy, and we must have studied history in vain if
we need be told that they will be continually the prey of
absolute power. If the leg is galled by an iron chain it is
vain to prescribe ointment to cure the wound while the
fetter remains. The first step towards the improvement
of the Negroes must commence in removing the cause of
their present degradation. They have been corrupted and
debased by the uncontrollable power exercised over them
by their lordly masters ; legislative enactments bestowing
on them equal rights, would prove a salutary check to the
one, and afford a stimulus of hope to the other. The first
movement on the part of the legislature in their favour
should be, the introduction of .measures to ameliorate their
condition, and teach their oppressors to respect them.
When it shall be seen that the laws of the country make no
distinction between the proud master and those whom he
considers as belonging to an inferior class of beings, the ad-
ministration of an impartial justice will generate within
the breast of the former ideas of common relationship, and
secure for the oppressed a milder treatment.

The establishment of law, forms an important era in the

c^>

1 (Crilittte fiir % Mt^n.

civilization of a people, and the statute which prevents the
superior from oppressing or tyrannizing over his inferior,
is as favourable to the humanity of the one, as it is to the
happiness of the other. While equitable laws, and their
impartial administration, elevate the standard of morals,
raise the tone of thinking, exalt the character of a countiy,
and increase the patriotism of a people, they generate the
principles of love and justice in the hearts of a great and
effective part of the population. Let the Coloured people
be admitted to a full and fair participation of those privi-
ties from which they have been excluded, and rest assured
that justice being done to the one, will prove, ultimately,
the happiness and prosperity of the other. Justice is in
aU cases the truest policy, it has proved itself so in the
abolition of Slavery in the British Colonies ; and what an
example is there upheld to those nations, who, in spite of
warning, and in defiance of Christian principle, persist in
continuing Slavery.

Columbia ! — thou art called to a great and to a noble
deed ; — delay it not. There is, indeed, a grandeur in the
idea of raising some millions of human beings to the enjoy-
ment of human rights, to the blessings of Christian civil-
ization, to the means of indefinite improvement. The
Slaveholding States are called to a nobler work of benevo-
lence than is committed to any other communities. Do
you comprehend its dignity? This you cannot do, till the
Slave is truly, sincerely, with the mind and heart, recog-
nized as a Man, till he ceases to be regarded as Property.

When old Europe blasoiiB proudlj,

Yoluxnee of historic fame ;
You, more loftily and loudly,

Echo young Columbia's name x
When we boast of GhiadalquiTirs,

Thames and Danubes, Elbee and Bhones ;
You rejoice in statelier riyers —

MiBsissippifl — Amazons !

** Many a poet, many a psean,

Shouts our mountain songs, and tells

a Crilinte fht tin 3?tgra.

Alpine tales, or Pyrenean —
Snowdon, Lomond, DrachenfeU !

But, across the Atlantic surges,
Andes higher claims prepares ;

Snow-crowned Chimborazo urges
Mightier soyereignty than theirs !

" And if thus yowr works of nature

Out sublimeet works outdo ;
Should not Man — earth's noblest creature.

Should not Man be nobler too P
From our crouching, oowed example.

When your Pilgrim fathers fled,
Beared they not a prouder temple.

Freedom's temple, o*er your head ?

" Tyrant-stories stain otir pages ;

Priests and kings haye forged our chains ;
Ye were called to brighter ages ;

Ye were bom where Freedom reigns ;
Many a dreary, dark disaster.

Here has dug the firee man's graye ; —
Ye haye neyer known a master —

How can ye endure— a blavk ?"*

) I

* Dr. Bowring.

".-r-

CHAPTER IX.

Pemicioiu inflnenoe of Slavery — ^ThoBe brought up in the midst ol it, ap-
parently nnoonscious of its evils — ^Their hearts become hardened, and
their feelings blunted — Deoeptiveness of the "Slavery Optio Glass " —
The prodmots and gains of oppression tainted — ^Nothing can sanction
violence and injustice— To prosper by crime, a great calamity — ^Melan-
choly situation of those implicated in Slavery ~ Our prayers should
ascend both for the oppressor and the oppressed — Plea of the necessity
of coercion — ^Negroes represented as most degenerate and ungovernable—
These accounted for-^Demoraliiing effects of Slavery — ^When its asperi-
ties have been mitigated, various latent virtues and good qualities have
been brought into exercise.

In countries where Slavery exercises its pernicious in-
fluence upon the inhabitants, its tendency is to lead them
to r^ard those of a dark complexion as inferior beings, a
species of property, or deserving only to become such.
This has greatly aggravated, and its natural tendency is to
keep up the prejudicial feeling against the Negro. When
persons live, and are brought up in the very midst of cruelty
and Slavery, and are inured &om their infancy to behold
the sufferings of the poor victims of oppression, to listen
to their cries, and behold them treated with impunity, as
creatures possessed of mere animal propensities, the vilest
of the vile, it is no marvel that they should imbibe those
feelings of prejudice which are thus early instilled into
their minds. Perceiving the mental and moral degradation
of the Slaves, and being taught to look down upon their
unfortunate fellows, as a race of beings in all respects in-
ferior to, and not entitled to the enjoyment of, or even fit
to be intrusted with, equal privileges as themselves, their
hearts become hardened, and their feelings blunted and
deadened towards them.

The practice which strikes one man with horror, may
seem to another, who was bom and brought up in the
midst of it, to be not only innocent, but meritorious ; and it

% €riliittt &r % jiBgrn.

is to be feared^ there are many who grow up almost uncon-
scious of the responsibility of their station, and insensible
of the enormity of the evils they are committing. " A
man bom among Slaves/' says Dr. Channing, ^^ taught
its necessity by venerated parents, associating it with all
whom he reveres, and too familiar with its evils to see and
feel their magnitude, can hardly be expected to look on
Slavery as it appears to more impartial and distant ob-
servers." — " Men," he continues, " may lose the power of
seeing an object fairly, by being too near as well as by
being too remote. The Slaveholder is too familiar with
Slavery to understand it. To be educated in injustice is
almost necessarily to be blinded by it more or less. To
exercise usurped power from birth, is the surest way to
look upon it as a right and as a good." Alas ! then, for the
unfortunate Negro ; — his oppressor, swallowing the gilded
bait of commerce, advancing rapidly to fame and fortune, be-
holds his victim through a very imperfect and defective lens.
The Slavery Optic Glass is not famed for developing all
the wonders of creation ; on the other hand, it disfigures
and disparages the Almighty*s most glorious work, Man,
made after the image of his Maker. The atmosphere of
Slavery freezes, as it were, the current of sympathy ; like
a deadly upas tree, it corrupts eveiy thing within its in-
fluence ; and so all those who acquire gain produced by the
" thews and sinews" of the poor Negro, become, sooner or
later, inclined to foster evil, and ere long embark with

" Those who trayel £ev, and sail
To purchase human flesh ; to wreathe the yoke
Of yassalage round beauteous liberty,
Or suck large fortune from the sweat of Slayes/*

Every morsel of food, thus forced from the injured,
ought to be more bitter than gall, and the gold cankered.
The sweat of the Slave taints the luxuries for which it
streams. Better were it for the selfish wrong doer, to live
as the Slave, to clothe himself in the Slave's raiment, to

101

eat the Slave's coarse food, to till his fields with his own
hands, than to pamper himself by day, and pillow his head
on down at night, at the cost of a wantonly injured fellow-
creature. What man, without a conscience seared, can earn,
even his bread, " Not by the sweaty but by the blood of man ?"
Consider ! ye who are sitting in ease and enjoyment ; think
how much cruelty is involved in the luxuries you enjoy.

** Think! ye masters, iron-hearted,
Lolling at your joTial boards,
Think, how many baoks haye smarted
For the sweets your cane affords.

** Is there, as you sometimes tell us,
Is there One, who reigns on high ;
Has He bid you buy and sell us.
Speaking from His throne, the sky ?

'* Ask Him, if your knotted scourges,
Fetters, blood-extorting screws.
Are the means which duty urges.
Agents of His will to use?"

No earthly interest should induce any one to sanction vio-
lence and injustice; neither can it authorize the systematic
degradation of so large a portion of our fellow-creatures as
are now held in cruel Slavery. " The first question to be
proposed by a rational being is, not what is profitable, but
what is right. Duty must be primary, prominent, most
conspicuous among the objects of human thought and
pursuit. If we cast this down from its supremacy, if we
inquire for our interests, and then for our duties, we shall
err. We can never see the right, clearly and fuUy, but by
making it our first concern. No judgment can be just or wise,
but that which is built on the conviction of the paramoimt
worth and importance of duty. This is the fundamental
truth, the supreme law of reason ; and the mind which does
^yTib not start from this, in its inquiries into human affairs, is
doomed to great, perhaps, fatal error. Whoever places his
faith in the everlasting law of rectitude, must, of coiu*se,
regard the question of Slavery, first and chiefly as a moral

a ^rilnib fiir tjn 3StgrB-

question. All other considerations will weigh little wit hhim
compared with its moral character and moral influences.**

No greater calamity can befall a people than to prosper
by crime ; and there is^ perhaps^ no greater crime than that
ojf man enslaving his fellow-men. The blight which falls
on the soul of the wrong-doer, the desolation of his moral
nature, is a more terrible calamity than he inflicts. In
deadening his moral feelings, he dies to the proper happiness
of a man : in hardening his heart against his fellow-creatures,
he sears it to all true joy : in shutting his ear against the voice
of justice, he turns the voice of Grod within him into rebuke.
He may prosper, indeed, and hold faster the Slave by whom
he prospers ; but he rivets heavier and more ignominious
chains on his own soul than he lays on others. No punish-
ment is so terrible as prosperous guilt. No fiend, exhausting
on us all his power of torture, is so fearful as an oppressed
fellow-creature. The cry of the oppressed, unheard on
earth, is heard in heaven. God is just, and if justice reign,
the unjust must terribly sufier.

Melancholy is the situation of those who grow up uncon-
scious of their responsibility, and the enormity of the evil
they are committing, in being implicated in this great crime.
Whilst our tenderest sympathies are awakened for the
victims of their tyrannical barbarity, we should mourn deeply
over their oppressors; our aspirations ought daily to ascend
before Him, who can imstop the deaf ear, and open the eyes
of those " who are blind," that He would, in His mercy,
show them the awful situation in which they stand.

Under the plea of a necessity for Slavery, Negroes have
been spoken of as the most degenerate creatures upon
earth. They are represented, as we have already been
informed, as the lowest class of human beings, if, indeed,
they are allowed to be included within the pale of humanity ;
as void of memory, filthy, and disgusting to a d^ree exceed-
ing credibility, and so ungovernable in their propensities,
that nothing will subdue them but severe coercion.

flt^

fjl - I

% €xMi ftr % jlrp.

103

That the various bad qualities which have been ascribed
to Negroes, belong rather to their habits than to their
nature, and are derived both from the low state of civiliza^
tion in which nearly the whole race at present exists, as well
as from their unnatural situation in Slavery, is a proposition
not only consistent with the analogy of all the other races
of mankind, but immediately deducible from well established
facts. Moral evils are imiformly and necessarily inherent
under a system of oppression. It is a state in which no
class of society, the dominant or the subject, is not vitiated,
— ^vitiated in temper,- in principle, in conduct. All history
is proof of this ; and if history failed, the present state of
things, where Slavery exists, would supply ample testimony
to its truth. It may well be said, that '' a debasement of
all the mental and moral faculties, the destruction of every
honourable principle, are the never-failing consequences of
Slavery; so that even the most high-spirited and courageous
Negroes become, after remaining a few years in Slavery,
cunning, cowardly, and to a certain degree malevolent."
'^ It is the fact of experience, that Slavery is essentially
demoralizing, and that it compounds into the character all
the faithlessness and feculence of moral turpitude. There
is a class of mere human virtues, which may exist indepen-
dently of the direct influence of religion ; but even these
cannot, except by very accidental circumstances, vegetate
in this soil, nor flourish in the fc^ and impurities of this
stifling atmosphere ; they require a purer air, a brisk wafting
of the nobler passions, the excitement of hope, the warmth
of charity, and the mountain breeze of freedom." *

Nevertheless, when a master's absolute will has been
expressed in a kindly tone ; when authority has been en-
forced with a look which told that though he had the power
to command, he had not the heart to be a tyrant ; when he
has applied his attention to their comforts, not because they
were his Slaves, but because they were children of feeling,

* Biohard Watson's Sermons.

% €nMt for % 3ltgtn.

and members of the one family of mankind ; when he has
borne before them the impression that he has a Master in
heaven, while he is a master to them ; when the asperities
of Slavery have thus been mitigated by the manner in which
its powers and obligations have been carried out, many have
been the virtues called into operation ; many the soft, the
gentle, the devoted feelings brought into steady exercise ;
many the good, the trustworthy, and altogether praise-
worthy habits which have been formed and confirmed on
the part of Slaves; and, under these circumstances, the
Slave has become so much alive to his master's interests,
so identified in all his feelings with his master's property,
and so attached to bis person and his family, that he would
have regarded his emancipation as a decree of banishment,
if his freedom necessarily forced him from a master, to have
been whose Slave, he felt, had been his happiness. There
have been such cases ; and though most common with do-
mestic Slaves, they have been found among the other classes.
That this state of things has not been more generally
realized, is to be ascribed to no deficiency in the dispositions
of the Negroes, but from their masters not exercising
that kindly influence, which always so acts upon the human
heart as to bring out something of its own echo.

It is to the tyranny of managers and overseers, their
demoralizing conduct, and the abuse of their authority,
that we may mainly trace the cunning, the dissimu-
lation, and immoral habits of the enslaved Negro, which
have so long been attributed to his inherent character.

'* The Negro, spoiled of all that nature gaye
To free-bom man, soon shrinks into a Slave ;
His passiye limbs, to measured tasks confined.
Obey the impulse of another's mind ;
A sUent, secret, terrible control.
That rules his sinews, presses too his souL
Where'er their grasping arms the spoilers spread.
The Negro's joys, his virtues too are fled."

GHAPTEB I.

To form a just estimate of Negro ohanoter, we must obeerre bim under
more iiiToarable oiroomstaQoes than thoee of SlaTerjr — Statements of
trareliers wlio hare risited Africa, describing the natives as mild»
amiable, rirtuous, generous, hospitable, liyely, inteUigent, and indus-
trious, Ac — ^Their ingenuity — darkson's interriew with the Emperor of
Bussia — ^The Emperor^s surprise at the proficiency of Negroee^
Waditrom's testimony before the House of Commons — ^Further testi-
moniee of Kqor Laing, Dr. Knox, Bobin, Mungo Park, Dr. Channing,
J, Candler, Benexet, Barrow, Le Yaillant, Dr. Philip, Pringle, Shaw,
&c^ &C. — Description of a Chief — Observations of the Editor of the
** Westminster Beview^ — ^Bemarkable that Kegroes should retain so
many good qualities whan labouring under great disadvantages — ^Testi-
mony of H. C. Howells — Dr. Channing says '* we are holding in bondage
one of the best noes of the human &mily" — ^His delineation of the real
character of the N^oes.

In order to form a juat estimate of the character and
capabilities of the Negro, we must observe him in a some-
what more favourable situation than in those dreadful
receptacles of human misery, the crowded deck of the Slave
shipi or in the less openly shocking, but constrained and
extorted, and consequently painful labours of the sugar
plantation or of the cotton field. Amongst the civilized
tribes of Africa, as well as amongst those who remain in a
more savage state, we may often meet with lofty sentiments
of independence, and instances of ardent courage and devoted
friendship, which would sustain a comparison with the most
sj^endid similar examples in the more highly advanced races.
Honourable and punctual fulfilment of treaties and com-
pacts, patient endurance of toil, hunger, cold, and all kinds
of hardship and privation, inflexible fortitude, and unsha-
ken perseverance in avenging insults or injuries, according
to their own peculiar customs and feelings, show that they
are not destitute of the more valuable moral qualities.

Many travellers, and those who have had the most
frequent intercourse with Africans, assure us that the

% 4nhit for tjit jBtgrn*

natural dispositions of the Negro race^ are mild, gentle,
and amiable in an extraordinary degree. They bear ample
testimony to their being possessed of intellectual capacities
of no inferior order, assuring us also, how susceptible they
are of every generous and noble feeling of the mind, abound-
ing in benevolence, hospitality, generosity, and filial afiec-
tion, thus demonstrating their capability of arriving at the
highest attainments of the human understanding. Not un-
frequently they are described as being conspicuous for the
nobler attributes of our nature, and instead of the inhabitants
of that vast continent being doomed to inevitable inferiority,
many are the pleasing proofs, that they are highly capable
of civilization, and that they would perhaps even excel in a
moral and religious point of view.

" Many of the dark races," says Dr. Lawrence in his
Lectures delivered at the Royal College of Surgeons,
" although little civilized, display an openness of heart,
a friendly and generous disposition, the greatest hospitality,
and an observance of the point of honour according to
their own notions, from which nations more advanced in
knowledge might often take a lesson with advantage. They
possess a natural goodness of heart, and warmth of affec-
tion." " I can see no reason," he adds, " to doubt that
the Negro is equal to any in natural goodness of heart.
It is consonant to our general experience of mankind, that
the latter quality should be deadened or completely extin-
guished in the Slave ship."

Major Denham and his followers describe the Negroes
as a kind-hearted race, lively, and intelligent.

That in his own country, the Negro is not that lazy,
worthless, and brutified being he is frequently described to
be, is clearly demonstrated by the testimony of many tra-
vellers. " The industry of the Foulahs," says Mungo Park,
" in agriculture and pasturage, is everywhere remarkable."
Speaking of the Negroes near one of the Sego ferries, he
says, — "The view of this extensive city, the numerous

a €tMt far t|t jif gra.

houses on the river, the crowded population, and the culti-
vated state of the country, formed altogether a prospect of
civilization and magnificence which I little expected to find
in the bosom of Africa." The same traveller, after relating
an affecting interview between a poor blind Negro widow
and her son, adds, ^^ From this interview I was fully con-
vinced that whatever difference there is between the
European and the Negro in the conformation of the nose
and the colour of the skin, there is none in the genuine
sympathies and characteristic feelings of our common na-
ture." Of the truth of this observation he gives a striking
example in the conduct of the Negro woman who found
him, vrithout food or shelter, sitting under a tree in the
country of Bambarra. This pleasing circumstance will
be found recorded in Park's ovm words in another part of
the present volume.

In reading Ledyard, Lucas, Mungo Park, and others, we
find that the inhabitants of the interior are more virtuous
and more civilized than those on the sea coast ; surpass
them also in the preparations of wool, leather, cotton, wood,
and metals ; in weaving, dyeing, and sewing.

Adanson, who visited Senegal in 1754, when describing
the country, says, ^^ It recalled to me the idea of the primi-
tive race of men. I thought I saw the world in its infancy.
The Negroes are sociable, hmnane, obliging, and hospi-
table ; and they have generally preserved an estimable sim-
plicity of domestic manners. They are distinguished by
their tenderness for their parents, and great respect for the
aged ; a patriarchal virtue, which in our day is too little
known." Golberry says, that in Africa there are no beg-
gars except the blind.

Barrow gives a picture, by no means xmpleasing, of the
Hottentots. Their indolence he attributes to the state of
subjection in which they live, as the wild Bushmen are par-
ticularly active and cheerful. " They are a mild, quiet,
and timid people ; perfectly harmless, honest, faithful ; and.

SI ^rilintt fat tjit ^tgri.

thoug]i extremely phl^matici they are kind and affectionate
to each other, and not incapable of strong attachments. A
Hottentot would share his last meal with his companions^
They have little of that kind of art or cunning that savages
generally possess. If accused of crimes of wluch they have
been guilty^ they generally divulge the truth. They seldom
quarrel among themselves, or make use of provoking lan-
guage. Though naturally fearful, they will run into the
face of danger if led on by their superiors. * They suffer
pain with patience. They are by no means deficient
in talent" *

** In his disposition,'* says Barrow, ** the Bushman is
lively and cheerful ; in his person, active. His talents are
far above mediocrity ; and, averse to idleness, they axe sel-
dom without employment. They are very fond of dancing,
exhibit great industry and acuteness in their contrivances
for catching game, and considerable mechanical skill in
forming their baskets, mats, nets, arrows," &c., &c. f

That the Africans are very similar to the inhabitants of
other parts of the globe, and regulate their conduct towards
others according to the treatm^it they receive, may be
easily gathered from the statements of many writers. ** The
feelings of the Negroes," says one, ** are extremely acute.
According to the manner in which they are treated, they
are gay or melancholy^ laborious or slothful, friends or
enemies. When well fed, and not maltreated, they are
cont^ited, joyous, and ready for every enjoyment ; and the
satisfaction of their mind is painted in their countenance.
Of benefits and abuse, they are extremely sensible, and
against those who injure them they bear a mortal hatxed.
On the other hand, when they contract an affection to a
master, there is no ofiice, however hazardous, \i^ch they
will not boldly execute, to demonstrate their zeal and at-
tachment. They are naturally affectionate, and have an
ardent love for their diildren, fiiends, and countrymen*

* Barrow's Tnyeb in South Africa. f Idcoi.

3i €nMt fas % Mtiu.

109

Tbe little they posion^ they freely distribute among the
neceadtoosy without any other motiye than that of pure
ocHnpaasion for the indigent.'* *

llie acute and accurate Barbot, in his laigewodcoa
Africa, says, ** The Blacks have sufficient sense and under-
standing, their conceptions are quick and accurate, and
their memory possesses extraordinary strength. For, al-
though they can neither read nor write, they never fall into
confusion or error, in the greatest hurry of business and
traffic Their experience of the knavery of Europeans has
put them on their guard in transactions of exchange ; they
carefully examined all our goods, piece by piece, to ascer-
tain if ^eir quality and measure were correctly stated ; and
showed as much sagacity and clearness in all these transac-
tions, as any European tradesman could do.**

Of those imitative arts, in which perfection can be at-
tained only in an improved state of society, it is natural to
suppose that the Negroes can have but little knowledge ;
but the &hnc and colours of the Guinea cloths are proofs
€)i their native ingenuity ; and, that they are capable of
learning all kinds of the more delicate manual labours, is
proved by the fact, that nine-tenths of the artificers in the
West Indies are N^proes : many are expert carpenters, and
some watchmakers. The drawings and busts executed by
the wild Bushman in the neighbourhood of the Cape are
praised by Barrow for their accuracy of outline, and cor-
rectness of proportion.

Of those who have speculatively visited and described
the Slave coast, there are not wanting some who extol the
natnial abilities of the natives. D'Elbee, Moore, and Bos-
man, speak highly of their mechanical powers and inde-
fatigable industry. Desmarchais does not scruple to affirm
diat their ingenuity rivals the Chinese.

In 1818, when the sovereigns of Europe met in congress
at Aix la Chapelle, Thomas Clarkson obtained an inter-

• Hut dee Antflles, p. 488.

% €xMt fct t|u Mw.

view with the Emperor of Russia, and was received with
marked attention by that amiable monarch. Clarkson's
object was to interest him on behalf of the oppressed Slave.
The Emperor listened to his statements, and promised to
use his influence with the assembled monarchs, to secure
the suppression of the trade in human beings as speedily
as possible.

Describing tbis interview with the Emperor of Russia,
in which the subject of Peace Societies, as well as the
abolition of the Slave-trade was discussed, Thomas Clark-
son observes: — "We then rose up from our seats, to
inspect some articles of African manufacture, which I had
brought with me as a present, and which had been laid on
the table. We examined the articles in leather first, one
by one, with which he was imcommonly gratified. He
said they exhibited not only genius, but taste, and that he
had never seen neater work either in Petersburgh or in
London. There was one piece of cotton cloth which attrac-
ted his particular notice, and which was undoubtedly very
beautiful. It called from him this observation, — ' Man-
chester,' says he, ^ I think, is your great place for manufac-
tures of this sort, — do you think they can make a better
piece of cotton there ?' I told him I thought I had never
seen a better piece of workmanship of the kind anywhere.
Having gone over all the articles, the Emperor desired me
to inform him, whether he was to understand that these
articles were made by the Africans in their own anintry;
that is, in their own native villages, or after they had
arrived in Jmerica^ where they would have an opportunity
of seeing European manufactures, and experienced work-
men in the arts ? I replied, that such articles might be
found in every African village, both on the coast and in
the interior, and that they were samples of their own in-
genuity, without any connection with Europeans.

" * Then,' said the Emperor, * you astonish me — ^you
have given me a new idea of the state of these poor people.

-■ V

(sslil

a ^rihttte fiir tjit 3ltgrn.

I was not aware that thej were so advanced in society.
The works you have shown me, are not the works of brutes,
but of men endued with rational and intellectual powers,
and capable of being brought to as high a degree of pro-
ficiency as any other men. Africa ought to be allowed to
have a fSdr chance of raising her character in the scale of
the civilized world/ I replied, that it was the cruel traffic
in Slaves alone, which had prevented Africa rising to a
level with other nations ; and that it was only astonishing
to me that the natives there, had, under its impeding influ-
ence, arrived at the perfection which had displayed itself
in the specimens of workmanship which he had just seen.'*
Walstrom, in his admirable '^ Essay on Colonization,'*
in speaking of the African race, makes the following re-
marks : — " Their understandings have not been nearly so
much cultivated as those of Europeans ; but their passions,
both defensive and social, are much stronger. Their hos-
pitality to unprotected strangers, is liberal, disinterested,
and firee from ostentation. Their kindness and respectful
attention to White persons, with whose characters they are
satisfied, arises to a degree of partiality, which, all things
considered, is perfectly surprising. On those parts of the
coast and country where the Slave-trade prevails, the in-
habitants are shy and reserved, (as well they may,) and on
all occasions go armed, lest they should be way-laid and
carried off. In maternal, filial, and fraternal affection, I
scruple not to pronoimce them superior to any Europeans
I ever was among. So very successful have the European
Slave-dealers been, in exciting in them a thirst for spirits,
that it is now become one of the principal pillars of their
trade ; for the chiefs, intoxicated by the liquor with which
they are purposely bribed by the Whites, often make bar-

^ i ) gains, and give orders fatal to their subjects, which, when

*^ sober, they would gladly retract.

'* On a question put to me in a committee of the British
House of Commons, I offered to produce specimens of

a ^tiliiib firr t|ii Jltgrn.

their manufactures in iroui gold, filigree-work, leather,
cotton, matting, and basket-work; some of which, equal
any articles of the kind fabricated in Europe, and evince
that, with proper encouragement, they would make excel-
lent workmen. Even the least improved tribes make their
own fishing tackle, canoes, and implements of agriculture.
If even, while the Slave-trade disturbs their peace, and
endangers their persons, they have made such a progress,
what may we not expect if that grievous obstacle were re-
moved, and their ingenuity directed into a proper channel ?
The Slave-trade disturbs their agriculture still more than
their manufactures ; for men vdll not be fond of planting, who
have not a moral certainty of reaping. Yet, even without
enjoying that certainty, they raise grain, fruits, and roots,
not only sufficient for their own consumption, but even to
supply the demands of the European shipping, often to a
considerable extent ; in some islands and part of the coast,
where there is no Slave-trade, they have made great pro-
gress in agriculture. Though, on the whole, passion is
more predominant in the African character than reason ;
yet their intellects are so far from being of an inferior order,
that one finds it difficult to account for their acuteness, which
so far transcends their apparent means of improvement.*'

" The Blacks living in London," he adds, ** are generally
profligate, because uninstructed, and vitiated by Slavery,
for many of them were once Slaves of the most worthless
description; namely, the idle and superfluous domestic,
and the gamblers and thieves who infest the towns in the
West Indies. Some come to attend children and sick per-
sons on board, and others are brought by their masters by
way of parade. In London, being friendless, and despised
on account of their complexion, and too many of them being
really incapable of any useful occupation, they sink into
abject poverty."

Major Laing, in his " Travels in Western Africa," ob-
serves, ^'A destitute old man is unknown among the

^z/rw

% S^nMt for tjit ^fgrn.

113

Mandingoes. A son considers it his first duty to look after
and provide for his aged father's comfort ; and if he is \infor-
tunate enough to have lost his own, he perhaps looks for
some aged sire, who, being without children, requires the
care and attention of youth. There is no nation with which
I am acquainted, where age is treated with so much respect
and deference."

Writers on the history of mankind seem to be nearly
agreed in considering the Bushmen of South Africa as
the most degraded and miserable of all nations, and the
lowest in the scale of humanity ; yet there are accurate
observers, who cannot be suspected of undue preposses-
sion towards opposite sentiments and representations, who
have drawn a less unfavourable picture of the moral and
intellectual character of the Bushmen. Burchell, who
sought and obtained opportunities of conversing with them
and observing their manner of existence, though he foimd
them in the most destitute and miserable state, yet disco-
vered among them traits of kind and social feelings, and all
the essential attributes of humanity.* Among other inter-
esting remarks of this intelligent traveller, tending to the
same result, we find an observation, that the females among
the Bushmen displayed as much the signs of modesty as
Europeans. " The young women were as delicate in
feelings of modesty, as if they had been educated in the
most decorous manner." He adds, that they are pleasing
by a sprightly and interesting expression of countenance,
though far from beautiful, and although their features have
the peculiar type of the Bushmen race. Mr. Thompson
confirms this account, and even gives a still more favourable
description of the females of the Bushmen, f

Dr. Knox asserts, that the Negroes are capable of civili-
zation, and mentions the Kaffirs as being a very superior
race, " scorning to use poisoned weapons, or resort to sub-
tlety ; being strong, valiant, and chivalrous."

* Diet. GLaBs d' HiBt. Nat. Art. Homme. f Travels in Africa, I. 484.

% €nMt fat t^ jJtgrn.

Robin speaks of a Slave in Martinico, who, having gained
money sufficient for his own ransom, purchased with it
bis mother's fireedom. The most horrible outrage that can
be committed against a Negro, is to curse his father or his
mother, or to speak of either with contempt,

Mungo Park obserres, that a Slave said to his master :
" Strike me, but curse not my mother ;" and that a Ne-
gress having lost her son, her only consolation was, that he
had never told a lie. Casaux relates that a Negro, seeing a
White Man abuse his father, said: " Carry away the child
of this monster, that it may not learn to imitate his
conduct."

" Of all the races of men," says Dr. Channing, " the
African is the mildest and most susceptible of attachment.
He loves, where the European would hate. He watches
the life of a master, whom the North American Indian, in
like circumstances, would stab to the heart."

" There is in the Negro race," says John Candler, *' a
spirit of kindness not common to barbarous or half-civilized
nations ; such is the testimony of Mungo Park and other
African travellers. A few days before our arrival at the
Cape, a ship from Bremen, with 170 German emigrants,
bound for New Orleans, had been wrecked at Point Isa-
bella, and driven on shore in a heavy gale of wind* No
lives were lost ; much damage was sustained ; but the pas-
sengers and crew were brought in safety to the Cape. The
news of their arrival — strangers in a land speaking 'an un-
known tongue, dejected, care-worn, much of their little
property lost in the wreck, some of them sick, and nearly
all without food — aroused the feelings of these good people,
and awakened the liveliest sympathy. The authorities, all
Black or Coloured men, ordered houses to be opened for
their reception, into which beds and moveables were con-
veyed; medical men proffered their assistance, and the
inhabitants supplied them with food and clothing. We
passed through some of the buildings where they were

v£kJ4

a €rilmb far tjn Jlrgrn.

placed, and were cheered to witness the alacrity with which
they were served." *

Anthony Benezet, a highly philanthropic and benevolent
individual, a member of the Society of Friends, established
a school in Philadelphia for the instruction of Negroes, in
which he himself taught gratuitously. No one had a better
opportunity of ascertaining their capabilities than he had :
and he says, " I can with truth and sincerity declare, that I
have found amongst the Negroes as great variety of talents
as Bmong a like number of Whites ; and 1 am bold to
assert, that the notion entertained by some, that the Blacks
are inferior in their capacities, is a vulgar prejudice founded
on the pride or ignorance of their lordly masters, who have
kept their Slaves at such a distance, as to be unable to form
a right judgment of them."

Surely testimonies so creditable to the character and ca-
pabilities of the Negro race, proceeding spontaneously from
men in all respects intelligent and trustworthy, are sufficient
to refute those calumnies which describe them as insensible
to the blessings of freedom, and as incapable of appreciating
those blessings, and even designed for no other than a ser-
vile and ignominious rank in the human family. Surely
they are enough to convince us that they are able ^' to
manage their own concerns ;" that they need not the im-
pulse of the whip, having, in a state of freedom, no disin-
clination to work, and that willingly, from the natural
impulse only of their own reflections.

Volumes might be filled with equally honourable testi-
monies in favour of the calumniated Negro. Travellers
who have visited the interior of Africa, where the effects
of the Slave Trade are much less felt than upon the coasts,
assure us that the natural dispositions of the Negro are
mild, gentle, and amiable in an extraordinary degree ; and
that far from wanting ingenuity, they have made no con-
temptible progress in the more refined arts ; and have even

* Brief Notioee of Hayti.

a 4xMt fnr t^ Jlrgrn.

united into political societies of great extent and compli-
cated structure^ notwithstanding the grievous obstacles
which are thrown in the way of their civilization^ by their
remote situation, and their want of water carriage ; that
their disposition to voluntary and continued exertions of
body and mind, their capability for industry, the great pro-
moter of all human improvement, is not inferior to the
same principle in other tribes in similar situations : in a
word, that they have the same propensity to improve
their condition, their faculties, and their virtues, which
forms so prominent a feature of the human character over
all the rest of the world.

The travels of Barrow, Le Vaillant, and Mungo Park,
and the writings of Dr. Philip, Pringle, and Shaw, &c.,
abound with incidents, honourable to the moral character
of the Africans, and prove that they betray no deficiency
in the amiable qualities of the heart. One of these travel-
lers gives us an interesting description of the Chief of a
tribe : — ^' His coimtenance was strongly marked with the
habit of reflection ; vigorous in his mental, and amiable in
his personal qualities, Gaika was at once the friend and
ruler of a happy people, who universally pronounced his
name with transport, and blessed his abode as the seat of
felicity.'* Many highly polished European kings would
appear to little advantage by the side of this sable Chief.

There is no just ground for supposing that N^^oes in
general are inferior to any variety of the human race in
natural goodness of heart ; but it is consonant with our
experience of mankind, that this quality should be deadened,
or completely extinguished, in the Slave ship or the plan-
tation : indeed it is as little creditable to the head as to the
heart of their White tormentors, to expect a display of
amiable or moral qualities from the Negro, after his treat-
ment in oppression and Slavery.

" The Africans,*' writes the editor of the Westminster
Review, '* are apt to imitate, quick to seize, ambitious to

e -. - — --— fi.

a €n\ivit fat tju Mt^a.

achieve civilization. Whenever brought into contact with
Europeans^ they copy their manners, imbibe their tastes,
and endeavour to acquire their arts. The imitative dispo-
sition and the imitative faculty, are both in them particu-
larly strong. They are neither unwilling nor unable to
learn the lessons and endure the toils and shackles of
civilized existence. In those qualities of acquiring and
progressing, which distinguish Man from the brute, they
resemble Man. They have now been for three centuries
ih contact with Europeans, exposed during that period to
the most barbarous treatment and the most destroying and
depressing influences ; yet not only has nothing occurred to
indicate for them the fate of other unhappy races whom
European cruelty or European superiority has trodden out,
but they have actually advanced under circumstances the
most hostile to advancement.** Even in their native Africa,
where they have received gunpowder and rum from the
very hands which ought to have imparted to them all the
better influences of civilized life ; cheated by knavish
agents, cajoled by European governments, and hunted with
bloodhounds, — ^stiU, imder all these retrograding influences,
they have afforded admirable proofs that they are as sus-
ceptible of civilization as any other people on the face of
the earth.

It is indeed remarkable, that imder the peculiar disad-
vantages to which the Negro race are subjected, so many
of their good qualities should often remain to a considerable
extent unimpaired. The African is, as we have said, naturaUy
so affectionate, imitative, and docile, that under the least
favourable circumstances, he often imbibes much that is
good. The influence of a wise and kind master, (the effects
of which have been already alluded to,) are visible in the
veiy countenance and bearing of his Slaves, and notwith-
standing all their degradation, sufficiently deep to erase
from them nearly every trace of the divine image, there are
occasionally to be foimd, even among Slaves, examples of

a €iMt fss t^ jltgnr.

superior intelligence and virtue^ strongly evincing the
groundlessness of the opinion that they are incapable of
filling a higher rank than that of Slavery, and demonstrating
also, that human nature is too generous and hardy to be
wholly destroyed in the most unpropitious state. We also
frequently witness in this class ^^ a superior physical deve-
lopment, a grace of form and motion, which almost extorts
a feeling approaching respect.*'

H. C. Howells, of Pittsburg, U. S., made the following
statement in the Anti-Slavery Convention, in London,
in 1843. " There are in Pittsburg 2500 people of Colour
who stand as high in point of intellect, and of moral con-
duct, as the same number of the White popidation. With
all their disadvantages pressing them down to the dust,
there is a buoyancy raising them above everything. There
are among them whom I love as my dearest kindred, — ^men
who are imbued with the spirit of the gospel in no ordinary
degree, and whose fidelity would make them ornaments to
any station of life." *

Is it not evident then, to use the words of the excellent
Dr. Channing, whom I have so often quoted, that ^^ we are
holding in bondage one of the best races of the human
family ?" *' The Negro," says he, " is among the mildest
and gentlest of men. He is singularly susceptible of im-
provement from abroad. His children, it is said, receive
more rapidly than ours the elements of knowledge. How
far he can originate improvements, time only can teach.
His nature is affectionate, easily touched ; and hence he is
more open to religious impressions than the White Man.
The European races have manifested more courage, enter-
prise, invention ; but in the dispositions which Christianity
particularly honours, how inferior are they to the African.
When I cast my eyes over our southern region, the land (|f]s^^
of bowie knives, lynch law, and duels,— of chivalry, honour,
and revenge, — ^and when I consider that Christianity is

* Report of Conyention.

'v^Mib

a €tMt firr i^ Mtffi.

declared to be a spirit of charity, which seeketh not its
own, is not easily provoked, thinketh no evil, and endureth
all things, — can I hesitate in deciding to which of the races
in that land, Christianity is most adapted, and in which its
noblest disciples are most likely to be reared ? The Afri-
can carries with him, much more than we, the germs of a
meek, long-suffering virtue. A short residence among the
Negroes in the West Indies impressed me with their capa-
city of improvement. On all sides I heard of their religious
tendencies, the noblest in human nature.

CHAPTEB XL

The African race examined in an IntellectuaL point of yiew — ^Their origin
and noble anoestry — Ethiopians and Egyptians considered — Some
Negroes have arriyed at considerable intellectual attainments — Haye
distinguished themselyes yariouslj — ^Exemplified in Amo — State of
learning at Timbuctoo in the sixteenth oentnrj — ^Abdallah — ^Hannibal —
Lidet — ^Fuller — Banneker — Derham — Gapitein — Ignatius Sancho—
Qiistayus Vassa — Lott Carey — Phillis Wheatley— Pladdo — Jasmin
Thoumazeau — ^Paul Ouffe — Toussaint L'Ouyerture, and many others —
Further testimony of Blumenbach to their capacity for scientific culti-
yation — Corroboratiye eyidenoe in the United States — ^West Indies —
Liberia — Qnadenthal — Further demonstration of Negro capabilities in
liying witnesses — Jan Tzatzoe — Pennington — Douglass — Bemond —
Orummell — Dr. M'Cune Smith — Edward Frazer, Wesleyan Minister in
Antigua— Bichard Hill, Esq. — Some of the highest offices of State in
Braul filled by Blacks— Blacks and Mulattoes are distinguished officers
in the Brazilian army — Coloured Boman Catholic Clergy — Lawyers —
Physicians — Dr. Wright's testimony to the capabilities and intellect of
the Negro.

With regard to the intellectual capabilities of the African
race, it may be observed, that Africa was once the nur-
sery of science and literature, and it was from thence that
they were disseminated among the Greeks and Romans.
Solon, Plato, Pythagoras, and others of the master spirits of
ancient Greece, performed pilgrimages into Africa in search
of knowledge ; there they sat at the feet of ebon philoso-
phers to drink in wisdom !* How many multitudes flocked
from all parts of the world to listen to the instructions of
the African Euclid, who, 300 years before Christ, was at
the head of the most celebrated mathematical school in the
world ? Africa had once her churches, her colleges, and
repositories of learning and of science ; once, she was the
emporium of commerce, and the seat of an empire which
contended with Rome for the sovereignty of the world ;

* It is said that the ancient Greelcs represented Minerra, their farourito
Gk>dde68 of Wisdom, as an Afirican Princess.

% €xihvk firr tjit JItgni.

she has been termed the cradle of the ancient Church, and
she was the asylum of the infant Saviour. Say not then,
that Africa is without her heraldry of science and of fame !

Antiochus the Grreat welcomed to his court, with the
most signal honours, the African Hannibal ; and the great
conqueror of Hannibal made the African poet, Terence,
one of his most intimate associates and confidants ! Being
emancipated by his master, who took him to Rome and
gave him a good education, the young African soon acquired
reputation for the talent he displayed in his comedies.
His dramatic works were much admired by the Romans for
their prudential maxims and moral sentences, and compared
with his contemporaries he was much in advance of them
in point of style.

Some of the most eminent Fathers and writers in the
primitive Church, Origen, Tertullian, Augustine, Clemens
Alexandrinus, and Cyril, were Africans. Can the enlight-
ened Negrophobists of America tell us why these tawny
Bishops of Africa, of Apostolic renown, were not colonized
into a Negro pew, when attending the ecclesiastical councils
of their day ? And how do they reconcile their actions with
the example of the Evangelist Philip, who, in compliance
with the intimation of the Spirit, went and joined the
Ethiopian in his chariot, preached to him the gospel of
Christ, and baptized him in his name ?

Most eminent writers and historians concur in the opinion
that the ancient Ethiopians were Negroes, though perhaps
exhibiting the peculiar features of the race in a less aggra-
vated degree than the dwellers on the coast of Guinea : to
the Ethiopians we are justified in ascribing the highest at-
tainments. They appear to have been the parents of
Egyptian science and civilization, and attained, as existing
monuments attest, a high eminence in many arts in the
very earliest periods of history.

Respecting the physical history of the ancient Egyptians,
it has been a matter of discussion to what department of

<^&i

% '€xMt ht t^ jlfgrn.

mankind they belonged. The fact has been strongly main-
tained by some that they were Negroes. If we form an
opinion of them from the accounts left us by Herodotus
and other writers, who say that they were " woolly-haired
Blacks^ with projecting lips/* we cannot doubt that they
were perfect Negroes. Volney assumes it as a settled point
that this was really the case. But the authority of Hero-
dotus is of most weight, as he travelled in Egypt, and was
therefore well acquainted, from his own observation, with
the appearance of the people ; and it is well known that
he is generally very faithful in relating the facts, and
describing the objects, which fell under his personal ob-
servation. In his account of the people of Colchis, he
says, that they were a colony of Egyptians, and supports
his opinion by this argument, that they were *' black in
complexion and woolly-haired.*' These are the exact
words (translated) used in his description of undoubted
Negroes. But neither the Copts, their descendants,
nor the mummies, of which so many thousands are
yet extant as unquestionable witnesses, allow the sup-
position to be maintained that their general complexion
was black.*

That the ancient Ethiopians were black, I have stated,
most eminent writers are agreed upon ; hence the Scripture
query, ^^ Can the Ethiopian change his skin ?*' Now, it is
a fact of history, that Egypt and Ethiopia were originally
peopled, contemporaneously, by the brothers, Misraim and
Cush, and were long confederated under one government,
being a similar people in politics and literature, &c. As

* Dr. Priohard, in his Histoiy of Man, has brought together, with great
learning and industry, most of the ancient testimonies illustratiYO of the
question. By the most extensive researches, he has endeavoured to prove
an affinity between the ancient Egyptians and Indians ; and to show that
both are marked by the characters of the Negro race. Those who de*
sire to study this question in detail, will find ample materials in Dr.
Prichard's work. Vol. II., p. 282, 289, 330; in '^Volneys Buins of Em-
pires," App. 278 5 «* Burkhardt's Travels ;** " Denon Descrip. de TEgyptej"

ir«)

% ^rilmb fht \^ Jlrgrn.

eyidence of this, down to the time of Herodotus^ eighteen
out of three hundred Egyptian sovereigns were Ethiopians.*

If it be not admitted that these nations were black,
they were imdoubtedly of very dark complexion, having
much of the Negro physiognomy, as depicted in Egyptian
sculpture and painting, and from them the Negro population,
indeed the whole race of Africa, have sprung. Say not
then, I repeat it, that Africa is without her heraldry of
science and of fame ! Its inhabitants are the ^^ off-shoots, —
wild and untrained it is true, but still the off-shoots, — of
a stem which was once proudly luxuriant in the fruits of
learning and taste ; whilst that from which the Goths, their
calumniators, have sprung, remained hard, and knotted,
and barren."f

However, putting this noble ancestry entirely out of
view, which all Africans are, nevertheless, fiiUy entitled to
claim as their own ; — instances are not unfrequent of un-
doubted Negroes, who have distinguished themselves in an
intellectual point of view ; and some who have been more
fortunately flEtvoured with opportunities of education and
improvement, have arrived at intellectual attainments of
no mean order, lliey are not without their philosophers,
linguists, poets, mathematicians, ministers of the 6ospel>
merchants, lawyers, generals, and physicians, eminent in
their several attainments, energetic in enterprise, and honour-
able in character. That examples of distinguished intellect
and ability are not more frequent among the Negro race, is
doubtless owing, chiefly, to the want of opportunities of
cultivation and means of improvement, added to the other
disadvantages under which they have laboured through
successive generations. Let us again revert to facts, for
I desire not to make any assertion without having the sup-
port of undubitable evidence.

Among the Turks, Negroes have sometimes arrived at
the most eminent offices. Different writers have given the

• Herod, Lib. 11., cap. 100. t Bichard Watsoo.

% €tMt fer tilt Mt^tfL

same account of Kislar Aga, who^ in 1730^ was chief of
the Black eunuchs of the Porte, and have described him
as possessing great wisdom and profound knowledge.*

In 1765, the English papers cited as a remarkable event,
the ordination of a Negro, by Dr. Keppel, Bishop of
Exeter.f Among the Spaniards and Portuguese, it is a com-
mon occurrence. The history of Congo gives an account of
a Black Bishop who studied at Rome.]:

Correa de Serra, a learned secretary of the Academy of
Portugal, informs us that several Negroes have been
learned lawyers, preachers, and professors ; and that many
of them in the Portuguese possessions, have been signalized
by their talents. In 1717, the N^ro, Don Juan Latino,
taught the Latin language at Seville. He lived to the age
of 1174

An African Prince, and many young Africans of quality
sent into Portugal in the time of king Immamiel, were
distinguished at the Universities, and some of them were
promoted to the priesthood. ||

Near the close of the 17th century, Admiral Du Quesne,
saw at the Cape Verd Islands, a catholic N^ro clergy,
with the exception of the Bishop and Curate of St. Jago. ^

In 1734, Anthony William Amo, an Afirican from the
coast of Guinea, took the degree of Doctor in Philosophy
at the University of Wittemburg. Two of his disserta-
tions, according to Blumenbach, exhibit much well digested
knowledge of the best physiological works of the time.
He was well versed in Astronomy, and spoke the Latin,
Hebrew, Greek, French, Dutch, and German languages.
In an account of his life, published by the academic
council of the University, his integrity, talents, industry,
and erudition are highly commended.**

• Obeeirations but la religion, &c., des Tares ; p. 98.
t Oontleman's Mag., 1766, p. 145. J Prevot, General Hirtory of

Voyages, V. p. 63. § Gregoire. || Oedes's History of Portugal,

I. p. 694. Paris, 1735. t Gregoire. •• Gregoirc.

1 €iMt fat t|t JItgiB.

According to the statements of Leo Afiicanus, who
visited the dty of Timbuctoo, on the Niger, in the 16th
century, the progress of learning must have been con-
siderable in its locality at that period. " In this city/'
observes Leo, ^Hhere are great numbers of judges, of
teachers, of priests, and of very learned men, who are
amply supported by the royal bounty. An infinite quantity
of M.S. books are brought hither £rom Barbary ; and much
more money is derived from the traffic in these than from
all the other articles of merchandize.*' As if to prevent
us from referring these things to the Moors, Leo mentions
Abubakir, sumamed Bargama, the kings brother, with
whom he was well acquainted, as *^ a man very black in
complexion, but most fair in mind and disposition." *

Abdallah, a native of GKiber, in West Africa, although
having the true Negro features and colour, is described as
having a very intelligent, prepossessing countenance. '' In
his mental faculties," says Dr. Steetzen, ^^ he appeared to
be by no means inferior to Europeans." f

The capacity of the Negro for the mathematical and
physical sciences, is proved by Hannibal, a Colonel in the
Russian artillery, and Lislet of the Isle of France, who
was named acorresponding member of the French academy of
•Sciences, on account of his excellent Meteorological Obser-
vations. Fuller, a Slave of Maryland, was an extraordinary
example of quickness in mental calculation. Being asked in
a company, for the purpose of trying his powers, how many
seconds a person had lived who was seventy years and some
months old, he gave the answer in a minute and a half.
On reckoning it up after him in figures, a differenjt result
was obtained; ^^have you not forgot the leap years?"
asked the Negro. This ommission was supplied, and the
number then agreed precisely with his answer. Fuller
was a native of Africa, and could neither read nor write.

* TrayelB of Leo AfincaAiui.
t Aimab of Oriental Literature, p. 537.

a €rilrab fiir tin Mt^u.

This circumstance is related by Dr. Rush from his own
knowledge, a most creditable authority, and is quoted by
Dr. Lawrence, Grregoire, Rees, Chambers, &c.

Another instance occurred in the United States during
the last century* of a Coloured man showing a remarkable
skill in Mathematical Science. His name was Richard
Banneker, and he belonged also to Maryland. He was
altogether self taught, and having directed his attention to
the study of astronomy, his calculations were so thorough
and exact, as to excite the approbation of Pitt, Fox,
Wilberforce, and many other eminent persons. An
almanac which he composed, was produced in the British
House of Commons, as an argument in favour of the mental
cultivation of the Coloured people, and of their liberation
from their wretched thraldom.*

Boerhaave and De Haen have given the strongest testi-
mony that our Coloured fellow-men possess no mean insight
into practical medicine ; and several have been known as
very dexterous surgeons. A Negress at Yverdun is men-
tioned by Blumenbach as being celebrated for real know-
ledge, and a '^fine experienced hand."f

James Derham, originally a Slave in Philadelphia, be-
came one of the most distinguished physicians in New
Orleans.;];

J. E. J. Capitein was brought from Africa when about
seven years old, and purchased by a Slave-dealer. Of his
early history but little is known, or by what means he
became instructed in the elements of the Latin, Greek,
Hebrew, and Chaldaic languages. He was a painter from
taste. He published at the Hague, an elegy in Latin verse,
on the death of his instructor. From the Hague he went to
the University of Leyden ; on entering which, he published
a Latin dissertation on the calling of the Gentiles. He
also published several sermons and letters at Leyden, one

• Gregoire. t Chtmbers' Tracts, y. xii.
t Mott*8 Biogr. Sketches.

a €nhvit fiit % Jltgrn^

of which, went through four editions very quickly. He
took his degree at Leyden, and was ordained to the office
of a Christian minister in Amsterdam. He went to Ehnina
on the Gold Coast, where it is probable he was either mur-
dered or sold into Slavery.*

The son of the King of Nimbana came to England to
study, acquired a proficiency in the sciences, and learnt He-
brew, that he might read the Bible in the original. This
young man, of whom great expectations were entertained,
died soon after his return to Africa.f

Stedman was acquainted with a Negro who knew the
Koran by heart.

Higiemondo was an able artist. If the painter's business
is to impart life to nature, he was master of this, according
to the testimony of Sandrart. He resided in India. In
1788, he or Cugoano, a native African, were in the service
of Cosway, first painter of the Prince of Wales. J

Ignatius Sancho and Gustavus Vassa, the former bom in
a Slave ship, on its passage to the West Indies, and the
latter in Guinea, on the coast of Africa, distinguished
themselves in England in modem times. Gustavus Vassa
exhibited talents, without much literary cultivation, to
which a good education would have been a great advan-
tage. Fortune bringing Ignatius Sancho to England, the
interest of the Duke of Montague became excited on his
behalf, and he befriended him. Some letters of Sancho's
were published in two volumes after his decease. These
letters exhibit a considerable display of epistolary talent,
of rapid and just conception, of wild patriotism, and of
universal philanthropy ; and when it is borne in mind that
they were written by an imtutored African, and never
designed for publication, it must be admitted they evince
the possession of abilities in the writer, equal to a European.
Sancho supported a commerce with the Muses, amidst the

* IJBwrenoe'B Lectures. t Gregoire.

X Pennington's Text Book, p. 49.

a €n\ivit fer t^ Mt^n.

triyial and momentary interruptions of a shop ; he studied
the Poets, and even imitated them with some success ; he
constructed two pieces for the stage ; the ^' Theory of Music*'
he discussed, published, and dedicated to the Princess
Royal ; and painting was so much within the circle of his
judgment, that Mortimer came often to consult him;
Garrick and Sterne were well acquainted with him ; the
latter corresponded with him.*

In proof of the musical talents of the Negro, it may be
mentioned that they have been known to earn so much in
America, as to purchase their freedom with large sums*
The younger Friedig, in Vienna, was an excellent per-
former both on the violin and violincello ; he was also a
capital draftsman, and made a very successful painting of
himself.f

Amongst others of the Negro race who have possessed
no mean share of the intellectual qualities, I may mention
Sadiki, a learned Slave in Jamaica, redeemed through the
intercession of Dr. Madden, who speaks most highly
also of his conduct, and of his great discernment and
discretion.^

Job Ben SoUiman, Prince of Bunda on the Gambia, a
learned Slave, translated M.S.S. for Sir Hans Sloane ; was
introduced to Court by the Duke of Montague, and
graciously received by the Royal Family and nobility, &c. §

Lott Carey, was bom a Slave in Virginia, but by repeated
presents for his integrity, and subscriptions amongst mer-
chants, by whom he was highly esteemed, he purchased his
freedom. His intellectual ability, his firmness of purpose,
unbending integrity, correct judgment, and disinterested
benevolence, placed him in a conspicuous situation, and
gave him wide and commanding influence. ||

Phillis Wheatley, was stolen for a Slave when a little

* Life of IgDAtiiiB Sancho. t Bees, Lawrence, &o.
t Br. Maiden's West Lidies. § Mott's Biog. Sketches.
II Mott and Chambers.

51 (Krilffib k tjit jKtgriK

girl from her parents in Africa. In sixteen months she
acquired the English language so perfectly, that she could
read any of the most difficiQt parts of Scripture, to the
great astonishment of those who heard her ; and this she
learned without any instruction, except what was given her
in the family. She wrote poems between the age of 14
and 19, which were published in this country. The talented
editors of the Edinbro' Journal in quoting a portion from
one of her poems " On the Providence of God," observe,
" it shows a very considerable reach of thought, and no
mean powers of expression.*' PhiUis visited England
and was admired in the first circles of society. *

Amongst learned Mulattoes, Castaing may be mentioned
as exhibiting poetic genius. His compositions ornament
various editions of poetry. Barbaud-Royer Boisrond, the
author of the '' Precis des Gemissements des Sang-meles,*'
announces himself as belonging to this class ; and Michael
Mina (also called Miliscent) was a Mulatto of St. Domingo.
Julien Raymond, likewise a Mulatto, associated himself
with the class of moral and political sciences, for the sec-
tion of legislation. Without being able to justify in every
respect the conduct of Raymond, we may praise the energy
with which he defended Men of Colour and Free Negroes.
He published many works, the greater part of which relate
to the history of St. Domingo, and may serve as an antidote
to the impostures circulated by the colonists. The prin-
cipal of these is entitled, *' Origine des troubles de St.

Domingo."t

Caesar, a Negro of North Carolina, was the author of

several poems, which were published, and have become

popular, like those of Bloomfield.;}:

Durand and Demanet, who resided a long time in Guinea,

found Negroes with a keen and penetrating mind, a sound

judgment, taste, and delicacy. §

* life of Fhillifl Wheatley. t C^regoiro, p. 167. J Idem, p. 168.
§ Durand, p. 58. — ^Demanet, Hi«t. del 'Afrique, II., p. 3.

a ^ribttti for tljt j^tgrn.

On diflferent parts of the coast of Africa there are Ne-
groes who speak two or three languages^ and are interpre-
ters. ♦ In general^ they have a very retentive memory.
This lias been remarked by Vaillant, and other travellers.f

Adanson^ astonished to hear the Negroes of Senegal
mention a great number of stars, and converse pertinently
concerning them, believes that if they had good instruments,
they would become good astronomers. J

Henry Diaz, who is extolled in all the histories of Brazil,
was a Negro. Once a Slave, he became Colonel of a regi-
ment of foot soldiers of his own colour, to whom Brandano
bestows the praise of talents and sagacity. §

Mentor, bom at Martinico, in 1771, was a Negro. In
fighting against the English he was made prisoner. In sight
of the coast of Ushant, he took possession of the vessel
which was conducting him to England, and carried her into
Brest. To a noble physiognomy he united an amenity of
character, and a mind improved by culture. He occupied
the legislative seat at the side of the estimable Tomany.
Such was Mentor, whose latter conduct has perhaps
sullied these brilliant qualities. He was killed at St.
Domingo. ||

Cinque, the Chief of the Mendian Negroes, who planned
and carried into effect their own rescue by overpowering
the crew of the Slaver on which they were embarked, was
a man of uncommon natural capacity, and his great mental
superiority impressed all who came in contact with him. If

Placido was a gifted but imfortunate Negro, of whose
history more may perhaps be learnt hereafter. He was a
poet of no mean order.

A collection of poems, written by a Slave recently libe-
rated in the Island of Cuba, was presented to Dr. Madden,
in 1838, by a gentleman in Havannah. Some of these pieces

• Clarltson, p. 125. f Prerot, IV. 198.

t Toyage aa Senegal, p. 149. § Gregoire. || Idem, p. 102.

f Sturge*8 Umted Stotea.

m €xMt for i^t j&Bgrn.

had fortunately found their way to that place, and attracted
the attention of the literary people there^ while the poor
author was in Slavery in Cuba. Dr. Madden made a
translation of a few of them into English. *' I am sensi-*
ble," says the Doctor, *^ I have not done justice to these
poems, but I trust I have done enough to vindicate in
some degree the character of Negro intellect, at least the
attempt affords me an opportunity of recording my con-
viction, that the blessings of education and good govern-
ment are alone wanting to make the natives of Africa,
intellectually and morally, equal to the people of any
nation on the surface of the globe." The author of the
poems is now living at Havannah, and gains his livelihood
by hiring himself out as an occasional servant. His father
and mother lived and died in Slavery in Cuba. He has
written his history in Spanish, in a manner alike creditable
to his talents and his integrity. This, with a few of his
compositions translated, will be found amongst the pages
of the present volume. As to the merit of the poems, they
are highly spoken of by a very talented Spanish scholar,
distinguished not only in Cuba, but in Spain, for his
literary attainments. The Cuban poet was introduced to
Dr. Madden by this gentleman in the following terms : —
'' Mi querido Amigo esta carta se la entregara a v, el poeta
J. F. M. de quien hable a v, y cuyos versos y exelente in-
genio han llamada la atencion, aun en esta pais de todas
las personas despreocupadas y buenas.'*

Without attempting to enumerate all the Negroes who
have written poems, it may be mentioned that Blumenbach
possessed English, Dutch, and Latin poetry, by different
Coloured persons.

In Thomas Jenkins, the son of an African King, we have
an extraordinary specimen of Negro intellect. Through
accidental circumstances, he became placed in a situation
more favoiurable to improvement than falls to the lot
of many of his race. He acquainted himself tolerably well

with Latin and Greek, and initiated himself in the study
of mathematics, &c.*

Francis Williams studied at Cambridge, and made con-
siderable progress in mathematics, and other branches of
science.f

Jasmin Thoumazeau was originally a Slave of St.
Domingo ; the Philadelphia Society, and the Agricultural
Society of Paris, both decreed medals to him, j;

Paul Cuffe presents us with an example of great energy
of mind in the more common affairs of life. Bom under
peculiar disadvantages, notwithstanding the pressure of
many difficulties, he qualified himself for any station of
life. A soimd understanding, imited with indomitable
energy and perseverance, mingled with a fervent but im-
affected piety and benevolence, were the prominent features
of his character. Religion, influencing his mind by its
secret guidance, and silent reflection, added, in advancing
manhood, to the brightness of his character, and confirmed
his disposition to practical good. His exertions to pro-
mote the happiness of his fellow-men, and to relieve their
sufferings, confer more honours upon him, than ever marble
statue or monumental trophy could do.§

Who is there that is not acquainted with the history of
the gallant, yet unfortunate Toussaint L'Ouverture, the
Negro Chief of St. Domingo, so intimately connected with
the history of Hayti, the remembrance of whose name will
ever be cherished by the friends of suffering humanity f
Among the individuals of the African race who have dis-
tinguished themselves by intellectual achievement, he is pre-
eminent : and while society at large is waiting for evidence
of what the Negro race can do and become, it is rational
to build high hopes upon such a character as that of the
man, who, as a Dictator and a General, was the model upon
which Napoleon formed himself ;|| who was as inclined to

^ Chambers' Tracts. f Mott's Biogr. Sketcliea. % Idem.

§ Memoir of Paul Cuffe. || See " Biographie Unirerselle," art. Toussaint*

'i~<?

a (Eriknte fiir tin Mt^n.

peace as he was renowned in war ; and who will ever be
regarded in history ^ as one of the most remarkable men of an
age teeming with social wonders. The author of " Brief
Notices of Hayti," describes Toussaint L'Ouverture as
" one of the ablest generals of his age." Here, then, we
have a man, in all respects worthy of the name of man.
Here is a man of a jet black complexion, who exhibited a
genius which would have been considered eminent in civi-
lized European society, and who, in true goodness and
wisdom, affords an incontrovertible demonstration that there
is no incompatibility between Negro organization and high
intellectual power. He was altogether African, — a perfect
Negro in his conformation, yet a fully endowed and well
accomplished man. In no respect does his nature appear
to have been unequal ; there was no feebleness in one di-
rection, as a consequence of unusual vigour in another. He
had strength of body, strength of understanding, strength
of belief, and, consequently, of purpose ; strength of affec-
tion, of imagination, and of will. He was, emphatically, a
great man : and what one of his race has been, others may
equally attain to.

Blumenbach observes, " that entire and large provinces
of Europe might be named, in which it would be difficult
to meet with such good writers, poets, philosophers, and
correspondents of the French Academy ; and that, more-
over, there is no savage people, who have distinguished
themselves by such examples of perfectibility and capacity
for scientific cultivation ; and consequently, that none can
approach more nearly to the polished nations of the globe
than the Negro.* Both in their native country, and in
places where they exist as Slaves, or as freed men, they
exhibit intellectual and moral characteristics of considerable
promise. They not only show a perfect capability of ac-
quiring the more delicate manual arts, but in the United
States of America, where many of them have existed for

• P. 118.

% €xMt fer tjiB Mt^n.

some time as free citizens, in the midst of White people,
they exhibit a high development of the intellectual cha-
racter, several acting as ministers of religion, and doctors of
medicine,

I may also refer to what has been effected, within a few
short years in the British West Indies, so recently num«
bered among " the dark places of the eardi, full of the
habitations of cruelty." The moral character of the Coloured
people in those Islands, many of whom are intelligent, well
educated, and possessed of property, has presented a visible
and cheering improvement, in spite of the demoralizing
effect naturally resulting from that most imchristian and
impolitic prejudice indulged against them on accoimt of
their colour, by the Whites generally, and their being
considered as a degraded class*

At this moment, too, in the little colony of Liberia,
upon the western coast of Africa, formed by free Blacks
from the United States, we have, if recent accounts can be
relied upon, a community as purely moral and as remarkable
for prudent and skilful management as any perhaps in the
world. The history of the missions among the Hotten-
tots speaks to the same purpose. Those sent from Holland,
in 179S, who founded the establishment at Gnadenthal,
were told that they never would be able even to fix the at-
tention of this primitive people. On the contrary, their
instructions in school, and their discourses on Christianity,
were eagerly taken advantage of. Multitudes flocked
from a distance to live at the settlement, for the benefit
of the ministrations of the missionaries. It consequently
became a populous and thriving town. The Dutch
boors at first opposed the mission, thinking that the
Hottentots might become reluctant to serve them ; but
they soon came to see that the people who had become
Christianized under the instruction of tiie missionaries, were
far more useful and trustworthy servants than the sensual
and degraded Pagans whom they had previously been

::^e

a €nMt fat tin jStgnr.

obliged to employ. They were astonished to find the na-
tivesy under this system^ become quite a different people.
'' Perhaps nothing in this account is more remarkable than
the facty that so strong a sensation was produced through-
out the whole Hottentot nation, and even among the neigh-
bouring tribes of diflferent people, by the improved and
happy condition of the Christian Hottentots, as to excite
a general desire for similar advantages. Whole families of
Hottentots, and even of Bushmen [a degraded and impo-
verished branch of the same people], set out for the borders
of CafiQraria, and performed journeys of many weeks in
order to settle in Gnadenthal. It is a singular fact in the
history of barbarous races of men, that the savage Bush-
men, of their own accord, solicited from the colonial
government, when negotiations were opened with them with
the view of putting an end to a long and bloody contest,
that teachers might be sent amongst them, such as those
at Gnadenthal." *

The circiunstances already recorded afford abundant
ground to hope that an improvement on a very exten-
sive scale, might, with little difficulty be effected, both as
regards the moral and intellectual condition of the Negro.
Notwithstanding the baneful influences of Slavery, and its
concomitant evil the Slave Trade, subjecting them to hard-
ships the most cruel and degrading ; and notwithstanding
the manifold disadvantages against which this unfortunate
race have still to contend ; — thanks be to God, we have
living tvitnesses not a few, who demonstrate in themselves
that the question of Negro capability is no longer a
theoretical one, but established by facts the most ime-
quivocal. Come forth, then, ye living monuments, array
yourselves before a guilty world, and demand, each one of
you, " Am I not a man and a brother ?"

I have inserted in the present volume, some brief sketches
of persons of Colour, — Africans, or of African descent,

* Prichard, T., 185.

% €n\aAt for tiff jitgrn.

now living, which fully justify these remarks. Such are
Jan Tzatzoe, the Christian chief of the Amakosas tribe, in
South Africa. This intelligent African, a]ong with Andries
StofQes, a pious and enlightened Hottentot, came over to
England some years ago with Dr. Philip, and moved in
the first circles of society in Great Britain. They were
examined before a committee of the House of Commons,
and also addressed a large audience in Exeter Hall.
Extracts from the report of the committee, &c., &c., will
be found in the succeeding pages. The engraving placed
opposite to the title page of the present volume represents
these Africans giving evidence before the committee ;
Dr. Philip is seated in the foreground, and James Read,
sen. and jun.. Missionaries from South Africa, are standing,
the latter acting as interpreter.

Amongst other living witnesses, may be mentioned
James W. C. Pennington, a minister of the Gospel in the
United States, highly esteemed and respected by all who
are acquainted with him, and who was bom a Slave. He
visited Great Britain a few years ago, when his company
was much sought after, and he moved in the best circles of
society. In 1841, he published " A Text Book of the
Origin and History, &c., &c., of the Coloured People," a
duodecimo of nearly 100 pages, including a mass of facts
and arguments on the subject.

Frederick Douglass, a fugitive Slave, so well-known,
is one of this class ; his eloquence and thrilling accents
speak for themselves. " I am inclined," says Thomas
Harvey, " to regard Douglass as raised up by Divine Pro-
vidence to disprove the notion of the natiiral inferiority of
the Coloured race. He was bom and trained in Slavery ;
— made his escape in early manhood ; — supported himself
two or three years by hard labour, and then suddenly ap- m^
peared on the stage of public af^rs, as an accomplished
public speaker, displaying not merely native talent^ but
such results of cultivation as could have been obtained only

a Crilittte for tjji Mt^n.

137

under such circumstances by very uncommon genius, and a
quickness of perception approaching to intuition. His re-
finement of mind and maoners, the great sensitiveness of
his feelings, and his general high toned character, together
with his genius and force of mind, constitute him (when
viewed in relation to his origin, and the influences amidst
which he was bom and nurtured) a moral and intellectual
phenomenon, well deserving the notice of the philosopher,
as well as the philanthropist."

C. A. Bissette, is an intelligent man of Colour ; his la-
bours in the Anti-Slavery cause have been great ; and his
zeal in that good cause tmtiring.

Nor should I forget to mention Charles L. Remond, en-
dowed as he assuredly is, with intellectual attainments of the
highest order, and possessing powers of eloquence rarely
surpassed : but, —

" I would not praifle thee, Bemond — thou hast giftn
Bestowed upon thee for a noble end ;
And, for the use of whioh, account must be *
Returned to Him who lent them. May thiB thought
Preeenre thee in faifl fear ; and may the praise
Be given only to His mighty name.'*

Dr. Madden speaks highly of a Negro minister, at
Kingston, Jamaica. He first went to hear him, he says,
from motives of curiosity, not unmixed with feelings of
contempt ; yet, he adds, there was an influence in the min-
istry of this man, which induced the White Man, " who
came to scoffi" " to remain to pray." *

" There is a Coloured female," says Lewis Tappan,
" living in New York, with whom I am well acquainted,
who established the first Sunday school in it. She estab-
lished that school, by her personal eflbrts, for the education
of children, both White and Coloured; and it was the
foundation of all the Sunday schools that exist in and adorn
that city. She has also taken out of the almshouses forty

* Dr. Madden*8 West Indies.

% €xMt for tjiB jitgrn.

childreOy and educated them at her own expense, a laige
number of them being White children. This woman is
now living, a highly respectable and worthy member of the
Church of Christ, — ^an honour to hiunan nature, and to the
city of New York, demonstrating the capacity of the
Coloured people, and the moral excellency to which they
may attain." '^ I must bear my testimony," adds Lewis
Tappan, " in the most decided manner, not only to the
excellency of the free people of Colour, whom I have had
an opportimity of knowing in New York and the United
States, but to their general good conduct, their religious
character, and the equality of their capacity, in eveiy point
of view, with that of other men." *

Mr. Athill, a Coloured gentleman, is Postmaster General
of Antigua, one of the first merchants in St. John's, and
was a member of the Assembly until the close of 18S6,
when, on account of his continued absence, he voluntarily
resigned his seat. A high-bom White Man, the Attorney
General, now occupies the same chair which this Coloured
member vacated, f

At the annual commencement of the Oberlin Institute,
the graduating class was composed of sixteen young men
and seven young ladies. Of the former, one was a Coloured
man of fine talents, named Wm. H. Day, of Northampton,
Mass. His oration is spoken of in the Cleveland Herald
as of a high character, both in respect to thought, language,
and manner. ^

In a speech made in the Anti-Slavery Convention in
1843, Professor Walker, of the Oberlin Institute, related,
that on one occasion, at the desire of the Dean and faculty,
the students and people of the place, amounting to 1500,
assembled in the chapel to engage in religious exercises, and
to hear addresses frt>m Coloured students exclusively. *' The
day," says Professor Walker, '^ passed ofi^ most admirably.

• Speech in A. S. Conr. 1843. t Thome and Eimball't Wett Indiee.

X Burrilt*! Chrutian Citiien.

a €xMt for tin jlBgra.

The speakers showed themselves to be men of talent —
nature's orators, and I was astonished — confounded." *

Henry H. Gamett, formerly a Slave, is said to be nearly
equal in ability and eloquence to that extraordinary man
Frederick Dougla8s.f Henry Bibb, once a Slave, is also
a very intelligent and eloquent man.

Dr. James M'Cune Smith, a Coloured gentleman in New
York, being shut out of the American colleges by the pre-
judice against his complexion, took his degree in medicine
at the University of Glasgow, and obtained one of the first,
if not the first prize, among 500 students. He is a man of
superior education, of considerable eloquence, and is
hghly esteemed and respected in New York. %

Alexander Cnimmell, the minister of a Coloured Epis-
copal church in New York, is a highly intellectual Negro.
He visited London in 1848, and spoke at the annual meet-
ing of the Anti-Slavery Society. He addressed a Coloured
Convention at Troy, U.S., in 1847, at some length, in a
speech, which, for beauty and chasteness of language,
classic research, a^d its logical expression, commanded
the close attrition of a refined and intelligent audience.
Many legal gentlemen, and others from the highest society
in Troy, were present, and must have received a favourable
opinion of what can be attained by Coloured men, crushed
to the earth even though they are, by the combined in-
fluence of Church and State.

Theodore S. Wright, isa Coloured Presbyterian minister in
New York, — an amiable man, much and deservedly respected.

Stephen Gloucester, who recently visited England, is
also an esteemed minister in New York.

Samuel R. Ward, of Cortland, State of New York,
affords an example of high intellectual attainments in the
despised race. He is the pastor of a White Congregational
Church, and also edits a newspaper.

* Bepoit oC CoATmtion. t Anti-Skvery BeporCer.

{ L. T^psn in Anti-SlATaiy Conr. 1843, &o.

% Crihtttt for tjjt Stgrn.

Thomas Van Rensallaer^ editor of the Barn's Hom^ may
likewise be adduced as evidence of considerable intellect
existing in the Negro race ; as also M. R. Delany, joint
editor of the North Star.

In the Anti-Slavery Convention of 1843, Dr. Lushing-
ton stated that Lord John Russell had appointed a Black
Man to the office of Chief Judge at Sierra Leone. *

The Wesleyan minister of Parham, in Antigua, (Edward
Frazer, who has visited England,) is a man of Colour ; he
was bom a Slave in Bermuda. His history is remarkable.
He is not inferior either in education, qualifications, or
usefulness, to any of his brethren in the ministry, f

" I know a Coloured man," says Hiram Wilson, " in the
State of New York, who has been employed by the Anti-
Slavery Society as a public lecturer ; and from information
I have received, it appears that he was one of the most
popular lecturers they had in the field. He is jet black —
of unmixed African blood. I mention this, because it is
sometimes said, that, by virtue of a little European blood
flowing in their veins, they are brighter, and more ta-
lented. But this man is so distinguished, so renowned for
his virtues, his intelligence, and his talents, that he has
been installed as the pastor of a White congr^ation — a
Presbyterian church in New York, for nearly three years."!

George B. Vashon, a talented young Coloured gentleman
was recently admitted, after due examination, as Attorney,
Solicitor, and Counsellor of the Supreme Court of the
State of New York. On his examination, he evinced a
perfect knowledge of the rudiments of law, and a familiar
acquaintance with Coke, Littleton, Blackstone, and Kent.
This is not the first instance of Coloured persons being ad-
mitted to legal practice in the United States, for in the
Old Bay State, two Coloured lawyers have been pursuing
the even tenor of their way as recipients of its honours and

* Beport of Conyeniioii, 1848. f S<nrge and Harrey'i West Indies.

t Speech in A. S. Conr. 1848.

(Hi©

a €tiiaAt fat % jKigrn.

emoluments for the last two years. One of these, Robert
Morris, jun., in addition to the excellence of his character,
has acquired correct business habits. The other, Macon B.
Allen, who successfully passed the ordeal of a rigid exami-
nation, now holds the office of Justice of the Peace for
Middlesex county, United States.

James Forten was an opulent man of Colour, whose long
career was marked by a display of capacity and energy
of no common kind. The history of his life is interesting
and instructive, affording a practical demonstration of the
absurdity as well as injustice of that prejudice, which
would stamp the mark of intellectual inferiority on his
complexion and race. *•

A speech of the Hon. H. Teage, of the Colony of
Liberia, on the Coast of A&ica, who is either a Black or
Coloured gentleman, is inserted in the present volume as
an evidence of the capacity and attainments of his race,
and of one whose education and life from early boyhood,
are Liberian.

Symphor L' Instant, an intelligent native of Hayti, who
has resided some time in Paris, was present and spoke at
the Anti-Slavery Convention in London, in 1840.

William Lynch, Esq., one of the stipendiary Magistrates
in Dominica, is a man of Colour. He is justly valued by
those who have the pleasure of his friendship, both in Eng-
land and the West Indies, for his intelligence and piety, f

Richard Hill, Esq., Secretary to the Governor and sti-
pendiary Magistrate of Jamaica, is a Coloured man of
uncommon endowments of mind, and of noble personal
bearing. He is probably the ablest person in Jamaica, and
was the mainspring of the government during the best parts
of the administrations of Lord Sligo and Sir Lionel Smith. |

Two Coloured gentlemen are proprietors of one of the
largest book stores in Jamaica ; and one of them is the

• Bhurge's United States. t Sturge and Harvey's West Indies.

X Thomas Harvey.

a €xMt fer tjiB Mt^xa.

editor of the Watchman. Other newspapers in the West
Indies are edited by Coloured persons, and many amongst
this class exhibit great intelligence and refinement.

I could produce a continuous catalogue of names suffi-
cient in themselves to fill a volume, equally conclusive of
Negro ability and intelligence as the foregoing. A few
more are mentioned in the concluding chapter of the pre-
sent volume, entitled ^* Living Witnesses," which also
contains additional information respecting some of those
already enumerated.

Although in Brazil there are more than two millions of
Slaves, some of the highest offices of State are filled by
Black men. There are also Blacks and Mulattoes amongst
the most distinguished officers in the Brazilian army.
Coloured lawyers and physicians are found in all parts of
that country, and, moreover, himdreds of the Roman
Catholic clergy are Black and Coloured men, who minister
to congregations made up indiscriminately of Blacks and
Whites.

" One evening, during my stay at Philadelphia,'* says
Joseph Sturge, ^' I took tea with twelve or fifteen Coloured
gentlemen, at the house of a Coloured family. The refined
manners and great intelligence of many of them, would
have done credit to any society. The Whites have a
monopoly of prejudice, but not a monopoly of intellect ;
nor of education and accomplishments ; nor even of those
more trivial, yet fascinating graces, which throw the charm
of elegance and refinement over social life." *

Dr. Wright, a clergyman of the Church of England,
who has resided many years in Africa, made the following
statements before the Anti-Slavery Convention in 1843,
with which conclusive evidence I shall close the present
chapter. " I went out to Africa," says Dr. Wright, " ori-
ginally as a missionary, under the auspices of the Society
for the Propagation of the GospeL One of the first objects

* Stvrge'i United States.

% ^ribitb for tiff j^tgrn.

to whicli my attention was directed, was the education of
the Negro. At that time he was oppressed, kept down,
crushed, and cruelly treated ; above all, every obstacle was
thrown in the way of his moral improvement. One of the
principal things that struck me on visiting the native
schools, or establishing them where they had. not before
existed, was the equality in point of mind between the
African and ourselves. I had the pleasure of witnessing
while there, a great improvement in the condition of the
Negro. I saw many of the restrictions under which they
had been placed gradually removed. I saw the chains
struck off from the liberated African, and I beheld that same
individual rising in intellect and morals, and practising all
the social virtues of the father, the husband, and the citizen,
and that to such a degree, that he might be safely held up
as an example in a civilized country. I saw a passion for
literature gradually increasing. They subscribed for the
journals, and were anxious for information upon general,
political, and religious subjects. They founded churches,
supported ministers, and were desirous of classical attain-
ments. I am perfectly satisfied, from what I have both
seen and heard, that the Black Man only wants the same
opportunities which the White Man enjoys, in order to
raise himself to the highest degree to which intellect can
conduct him." *

^ ProooedingB of the A. S. Oonr. 1843, p. 212.

CHAPTER XII.

The foregoing fiicta afford unquestionable evidence of the capabilities of the
Negro — ^Their desire for improyement — Obstacles to this — ^Inyidious dis-
tinctions — ^Effects of Slayery — The improvidence, indolence, &o., ascribed
to the Negro, considered — Testimony of Dr. Lloyd — Similar charges
brought against the ancient Britons — Russians a century ago — ^Admitting
everything in fiivour of distinct races, all are capable of great improve-
ment — This applies equally to the Negro race — The superiority of
those &vourably circumstanced — Events in St. Domingo— Improvement
in Negroes brought to Europe — GomparisonB — ^Effects of Ediioafcion, &o.
— Fact related by Dr. Horn — ^White races liable to relapse into bar-
barism — Instances of retrogression in Whites — The Greeks and Romans
— Oase of Charlotte Stanly — Civilization a vague and indefinite term —
— Remarkable instance of retrogression in America — ^Progression in the
Negro defended on the same ground — ^Time required — Accelerated in
proportion as impediments are removed.

The facts recorded in the two preceding chapters^ afford
unquestionable evidence, that the Negro race is possessed
of capabilities of improvement equa] to those of any other
people ; that they axe equally susceptible and desirous of
rising in civilization, and also in the scale of intelligent
existence. But, until those invidious and Anti-Christian
distinctions of caste which now exist are removed, they
cannot be otherwise than a degraded and inferior people.
The want of principle, the absence of moral, and even of
decent manners, and the practice of crime among the Ne-
groes, have been the constant topics of complaint, especially
amongst those connected with them as property. But the
vices of the Slaves are the vices of their condition ; and
they are not only generated, but perpetuated, by the very
system which is pleaded as necessary for their cure.

" That Slavery should be most unpropitious to the Slave
as a moral being," observes Dr. Channing, " will be further
apparent if we consider that his condition is throughout, a
wrong, and that consequently, it must lead to unsettle all
his notions of duty. The injury to the character from

'< "■ ^

I -^ . ■_ ^

a ^rilmtt fiir tju 3!tgrn.

lividg in an atmosphere of wrong we can all understand.
To live in a state of society of which injustice is the chief
and all-pervading element, is too severe a trial for human
nature, especially when no means are used to counteract its
influence. Coloured delinquency is mostly left to ripen
into crime, with little interference from public or private
philanthropy. As might have been expected. Coloured are
moreniunerous than White criminals, in proportion to rela-
tive population ; and this is appealed to as a proof of their
naturally vicious and inferior character, when, in fact,
society at large is chargeable with their degradation.
The most common distinctions of morality are faintly
apprehended by the Slave. Respect for property — that
fundamental law of civil society — can hardly be instilled
into him. His dishonesty is proverbial. Theft from his
master passes with him for no crime. A system of force is
generally found to drive to fraud. How necessarily will
this be the result of a relation in which force is used to
extort from a man his labour, his natural property, without
any attempt to van his consent ! Can we wonder that the
uneducated conscience of the man who is daily wronged
should allow him in reprisals to the extent of his power ?
Thus the primary social virtue, justice, is undermined in
the Slave."

'^ That the Slave should yield himself to intemperance,
licentiousness, and in general, to sensual excess, we must
also expect. Doomed to live for the physical indulgences
of others, unused to any pleasures but those of sense,
stripped of self-respect, and having nothing to gain in life,
how can he be expected to govern himself? How naturally
— I had almost said necessarily — does he become the crea-
ture of sensation, of passion, of the present moment !
What aid does the future give him in withstanding desire ?
The better condition, for which other men postpone the
cravings of appetite, never opens before him. The sense
of character, die power of opinion, another restraint on the

a €xMt for tju jifgra.

free, can do litde or nothing to rescue so abject a class from
excess and debasement. In truth, power oyer himself is
the last virtue we should expect in the Slaye, when we
think of him as subjected to absolute power, and made to
move passively from the impulse of a foreign wilL He is
trained to cowardice, and cowardice links itself naturally
with low vices. Idleness, to his apprehension, is paradise,
for he works vtrithout hope of reward. Thus Slavery robs
him of moral force, and prepares him to fall a prey to
appetite and passion.

" That the Slave finds in his condition little nutriment
for the social virtues we shall easily understand, if we con-
sider that his chief relations are to an absolute master, and
to the companions of his degrading bondage ; that is, to a
being who vnrongs him, and to associates whom he cannot
honour, whom he sees debased. His dependence on his
owner loosens his ties to all other beings. He has no
country to love, no family to call his own, no objects of
public utility to espouse, no impulse to generous exertion.
The relations, dependencies, and responsibilities, by which
Providence forms the soul to a deep, disinterested love, are
almost struck out of his lot. An arbitrary rule, a foreign,
irresistible will, taking him out of his own hands, and
placing him beyond the natural influence of society, extin*
guishes in a great degree the sense of what is due to him-
self, and to the human family around him.

" The effects of Slavery on the character are so various
that this part of the discussion might be greatly extended ;
but I will touch only on one other topic. Let us turn, for
a moment, to the great motive by which the Slave is made
to labour. Labour, in one form or another, is appointed
by God for man's improvement and happiness, and absorbs
the chief part of human life, so that the motive which ex-
cites to it has immense influence on character. It deter-
mines very much, whether life shall serve or fail of its end.
The man who works from honourable motives, from

3i ^idhvit fst % Jltgrn.

147

domestic affectioDSy from desire of acondition which will open
to him greater happiness and usefulness, finds in labour an
exercise and invigoration of yirtue. The day labourer,
who earns with homy hand and the sweat of his face,
coarse food for a wife and children whom he loves, is raised,
by this generous motive, to true dignity; and, though
wanting the refinements of life, is a nobler being than those
who think themselves absolved by wealth from serving
others. Now the Slave's labour brings no dignity, is an
exercise of no virtue, but throughout, a degradation ; so
that one of God's chief provisions for human improvement
becomes a curse. The motive from which he acts debases
him* It is the whip. It is corporal punishment* It is
physical pain inflicted by a fellow-creature. Undoubtedly
labour is mitigated to the Slave, as to all men, by habit.
But this is not the motive. Take away the whip, and he
would be idle. His labour brings no new comforts to wife
or child. The motive which spurs him is one by which it is
base to be swayed. Stripes are, indeed, resorted to by civil
government, when no other consideration will deter from
crime ; but he who is deterred from wrong-doing by the
whipping-post is among the most fallen of his race. To
work in sight of the whip, under menace of blows, is to be
exposed to perpetual insult and degrading influences.
Every motion of the limbs, which such a menace urges, is
a wound to the soul. How hard must it be for a man, who
lives under the lash, to respect himself ! When this mo-
tive is substituted for all the nobler ones which God
ordains, is it not almost necessarily death to the better and
higher sentiments of our nature ? It is the part of a man
to despise pain in comparison with disgrace, to meet it
fearlessly in well-doing, to perform the work of life from
other impulses. It is the part of a brute to be governed
by the whip. Even the brute is seen to act from more
generous incitements. The horse of a noble breed will not
endure the lash. Shall we sink man below the horse ? "

a €xMt fat tju Mt^n.

It is often asserted that Negroes are by nature impro-
vident and without ambition. To account for this, if it
really be a fact that it is so, we are not to look to any
physical peculiarity in their natural constitution, but to
the circumstances under which they are usually placed.
They are said to be a stupid, indolent, and filthy race, but
this, as has already been stated, is not true. They may,
under oppression, lose their stimulus to industry. When
a people are oppressed and miserably poor, they are inva-
riably a degraded people ; and indolence and filth are the
inseparable attendants of dejection. Negroes, generally
speaking, have no motives to industry ; the lawful fruits of
their labour are not secured to them ; they are robbed, cheated,
and oppressed in every possible way ; and the filthiness of
their huts and persons, are no more than the natural con-
sequences arising from the state of mental depression in
which they are held. Cheerfulness and cleanliness are
much more nearly allied than is generally imagined.

Man is naturally indolent, and there are but two ways of
overcoming his inherent aversion to labour, — fear, or hope ;
the first arises from the apprehension of punishment, and is
the motive of the Slave ; the second is the more powerful,
being most agreeable to nature, and cannot exist, except the
labourer has a fair compensation secured to him, as a remu-
neration for his exertion. Give the Negro a motive, and
he is active and industrious enough. Dr. Lloyd, who visited
the West Indies about ten years ago, in company with
some other philanthropists, observes, '^ We had some op-
portunity of observing the Negro's character, and we saw
nothing to warrant the assertion, that he is idle and lazy,
and requires cruelty and compulsion to make him labour." *
The same writer (or Dr. Madden) asserts, " The Negro is
not the indolent, slothful being he is everywhere consi-
dered ;" and adds, in another place, " I am well persuaded,
in respect to industry, physical strength, and activity, —

* Letters from the West Indies.

^ 0.-^' *

a €xMt for % ^tp*

149

the Egyptian fellah, the Maltese labourer, and the Italian
peasant, are far inferior to the Negro.'*

Although vices the most notorious that can disgrace
human nature have been ascribed to the African race, similar
charges have been made against the ancient Britons, and
many other nations of the eiyiUsed world, and, perhaps
with equal justice. For the sake of demonstration, we
need only compare the general circumstances of any
European nation whatever, and the individual character
of its inhabitants both for talents and virtues, at two
distant epochs of its history, and we must at once acknow*
ledge how remarkable is the contrast in each particular
point. Need we be reminded again of Cicero's remark,
that the " ugliest and most stupid Slaves in Rome came
from England ? " Here we have demonstrated in ourselves
what stupid and degraded Slaves, such as Cicero writes of,
are capable of advancing to. The same race, who, in the
age of Tacitus, dwelt in solitary dens, amid morasses, have
built St. Petersburgh and Moscow ; and the posterity of
cannibals now feed on wheaten bread. Little more than
a century ago, Russia was covered with hordes of barba-
rians ; cheating, drinking, brutal lust, and the most ferocioiis
excesses of rage, were as well known, and as little blamed,
among the better classes of the nobles who frequented the
Czar's court, as the more polished and mitigated forms of
the same vices, are, at this day in St. Petersburgh ; literature
had never once appeared among its inhabitants in a form to
be recogilized ; and you might travel over tracts of several
days' journey, without meeting a man, even among the
higher classes, whose mind contained the materials of one
moment's rational conversation. Although the various cir-
cumstances of external improvement will certainly not
disguise, even at this day, and among the individuals of the
first classes, the '' vestigia ruris,'* still, no one can presume
to dispute that the materials of which Russians are made
hav^ been greatly and fundamentally ameliorated; that

a €xMi fax tju jifgra.

their capacities are rapidly unfolding, and their virtues
improving, as their hahits have become changed, and their
communication with the rest of mankind extended. A
century ago, it would have been just as miraculous to read
a tolerable Russian composition, as it would be, at this day,
to find the same phenomenon at Houssa or Timbuctoo ;
and speculators who argue about races, and despise the
effect of circumstances, would have had the same right to
decide upon the fate of all the Russians, from an inspec«
tion of the Calmuc skulls, as they imagine they now have
to condemn all Africa to everlasting barbarism, from the
heads, the colour, and the wool of its inhabitants.
. If it still be maintained that there will always be a
sensible difference between the Negro and the European,
what reason is there to suppose, that this disparity will be
greater than the difference between the Sclavonian and
Gothic nations ? Admitting every thing that can be urged
in favour of the distinction of races, no one has yet denied,
with any proof of the assertion, that all the families of
mankind are capable of great improvement. And though,
after all, some tribes might, as it is asserted, remain inferior
to others, it would be ridiculous to deduce from thence
either an argumentagainst the possibility of greatly civilizing,
even the most untoward generation, or an inference against
the importance, even of the least considerable advances
which it may be capable of making towards perfection.

We need only cast our eyes upon a few unquestionable
facts, and compare the achievements of Negroes in several
situations, to be convinced that the general proposition
applies to them as well as the rest of mankind. The
superiority of those in the interior of Africa to those on
the Slave Coast, is a matter of fact. The enemies of the
Slave Trade reasonably impute the degeneracy of the nuiri-
time tribes to that baneful commerce. Its friends have on
the other hand, deduced from thence an argument against
the Negro character, which, they say, is not improved by

a €jMt fst tjiB Mtin.

intercourse with civilized nations. But the fact is
admitted. To see it exemplified^ we have only to consult
the travels of Mungo Park ; and the same observation has
been made by Barrow, as applicable to the tribes south of
the line, who increase in civilization as you leave the Slave
Coast. Compare the accounts given by these travellers, as
well as some of those previously cited, of the skill, the
industry, the excellent moral qualities of the Africans in
Houssa, Timbuctoo, &c., with the pictures that have been
drawn of the same race, living in all the barbarity which
the supply of our Slave ships requires, and we must be con-
vinced that the Negro is as much improved by a change of
circumstances as the White.*

It has been remarked, that some of the most sandy and
desert parts of Africa are covered with the greatest variety
of flowers ; and as civilization advances, may not the
blossoms of literature, of science, and of religion, yet be
spread as profusely over the whole of that vast continent ?

The state of Slavery, as has already been observed, is in
none of its modifications favourable to improvement ; yet
even in that condition the N^ro has sometimes made con-
siderable advances in this respect. Compare the Creole
Negro with the imported Slave, and you will find, that
even amongst the most debasing, the most brutifying form
of servitude, the pitiless drudgery of the field and whip,
though it must necessarily eradicate most of the moral
qualities of the African, has not prevented him from pro-
fiting in his intellectual faculties by intercourse with more
civilized men. f The events of the war in St. Domingo
read us a lesson on this point; of Negroes organizing large
armies; laying plans of campaigns and sieges, which, if not
scientific, have at least been to a certain degree successful

• Bdinbro' Beriew.
t Facts are only recorded here, as saoh, without commending the practice
of war, which I believe to be utterly repugnant to the spirit and precepts
of our benign religion, inculcating *' lore and good-will to men."

a €nMt fax tju jltgnr.

against the finest European troops ; arranging forms of
govermnent^ and even proceeding some length in executing
the most difficult of human enterprises ; entering into com-
mercial relations with foreigners, and conceiving the idea
of contracting alliances ; acquiring something Hke a mari-
time force; and, at any rate, navigating vessels in the
tropical seas, with as much skill and foresight as that com^
plicated operation requires*

This is certainly a spectacle which ought to teach us the
effects of circumstances in developii^ the human faculties,
and to prescrihe bounds to that presumptuous arrogance,
which would confine to one race the characteristic privilege
of the species, and exclude the other as irremediably biur-
barous. We have torn these men from their country, under
the vain and wicked pretence that their nature is radically
inferior to our own. We have treated th^n so as to stunt the
natural growth of their virtues and their reason. Yet their
ingenuity has flourished apace, even under all disadvantages,
and the Negro species is already much improved. All the
arguments in the brains of a thousand metaphysicians will
never explain away these facts. We may be told that brute
force and adaptation to a West Indian climate are the
only faculties which the Negroes possess, but something
more than this must concur to form and subsist armies, and
to distribute civil powers in a state. The Negroes, who, in
Africa it is said cannot cotmt ten, and bequeath the same
portion of arithmetic to their children, must have improved,
both individually, and as a species, before they could use the
mariner^s compass, and rig square-sailed vessels, and culti-
vate whole districts of cotton for their own profit in the
Caribbee Islands.

The very ordinary circumstance of the improvement
visible in the Negroes brought over to Europe as domestics,
and their striking superiority to the generality of their
countrymen, either in Africa or the New World, may per-
haps illustrate the doctrine now maintained, even to those

<prv

ia €xMi for % ^fgrn.

whom the more general views of the case have failed in
convincing. It is certainly not assuming too much^ to
suppose that there is a wider difference between one of
those Black servants and a native of the Slave Coast^ than
between a London waterman and a subject of the Irish
kings who flourished a few centuries ago. Nor is there
any doubt that the fidelity, courage, and other good quali-
ties generally remarkable in "Free Negroes, distinguish
them as much from Slaves, of whose cowardice and trea-
chery such pictures have been drawn, as the various feats
of valour recorded in the history of the Welsh, place
them above those wretched Britons who resisted their
Saxon oppressors only with groans.*

There are still regions in Europe, to which, if some of
our philosophers were to furnish maps depicting the illu-
mination of the human mind in different countries, they
would have to give a colouring of dark grey. Man may be
said to be, in a great measure, his own creator. We are all
bom savages, whether we are brought into the world in the
populous city or the lonely desert. It is the discipline of
education, and the circumstances under which we are placed,
which create the difference between the rude barbarian
and the polished citizen — the listless savage and the man
of commercial enterprize — the man of the woods and the
literary recluse. The mind of man, like a garden, requires
culture; like the rough-hewn stone from the quarry, so
it remains until the hand of the sculptor has formed it into
its proper mould, or the polisher has exerted his magic in-
fluence in bringing to light all its latent beauties and in-
trinsic excellencies, which before lay concealed and lost in
its rough mass !

Dr. Horn, in his travels through Germany, mentions
seeing at Salzburg but a few years ago, a girl twenty-two
years of age^by^no means ugly, who had been brought up in
a hog-sty among the hogs, and who had sat there for many

* WeBtminster Beriew.

a €xMi for tjif JIfgra,

years with her legs crossed. One of these had become
quite crooked ; she grunted like a hog ; and her gestures
were brutishly unseemly in a human dress. Many in-
stances might be adduced of individuals of the White
races existing in a state of wildness and barbarism^ where
the advantages of education and civilization have been
withheld. Such are Kaspar Hauser ; Peter the Wild Boy;*
the girl described by Condamine ;f a man found in the
Pyrennees ; J and the young savage of Aveyron, met with
near that place^ and brought to Paris soon after the Revo-
lution, &c. §

There can be no doubt, that if the discipline of education
and the influences of civilized society were withdrawn, the
White races would be liable to relapse into a state of bar-
barism equal to that which is in any case instanced amongst
nations of a more sable skin. We have examples of degen-
eration from physical and moral causes in the Greeks and
Romans, and in the modem inhabitants of the Caucasus.

A singular instance of the propensity to relapse into a
wild and uncivilized state is presented in the history of
Charlotte Stanley, the gipsy girl, which is, I believe, a
well-attested circumstance. A lady of rank and fortune,
who had no children, took so great a liking to a beautiful
gipsy girl, that she took her home, had her educated, and
at length adopted h^ as her daughter. She was named
Charlotte Stanley, received the education of a young Eng-
lish lady of rank, and grew up to be a beautiful, well-in-
formed, and accompUshed girl. In the course of time a
young man of good family became attached to her, and
wished to marry her. The nearer, however, this plan ap-
proached the period of its execution, the more melancholy
became the young bride ; and one day, to the terror of

* Ddseribed by Blumenbaeh in his Beytrftge Kur Katurgescliicte.

t Histoire d' une jeune Filie SauTage, Paris, 1761.

X Leroj Exploitation de la Nature dans les Fyiennees, p. 8.

§ Historical Aooount of ihe young Sarage of Aveyron.

a Crilrate fat % Mt^n.

her foster-mother and her betrothed husband, she was
found to have disappeared. It was known there had been
gipsies in the neighbourhood ; a search was set on foot,
and Charlotte Stanley was discovered in the arms of a
gipsy, the chief of the band. She declared she was his
wife, that no one had a right to take her away from him,
and the benefactress and the bridegroom returned incon-
solable. Charlotte afterwards came to visit them, and related
that as she grew up, she had felt more and more her con-
finement within the walls of the castle, and an irresistible
longing had at length seized her to return to her wild
gipsy life ; nor could she, although suffering many cruelties
from her gipsy husband, ever be induced to abandon the
roving life to which she had returned* The portrait of
Charlotte Stanley was preserved by the friend of her youth.
Her story is a kind of inversion to that of Preciosa, and
might make an interesting romance. *

" They wiled me from mj green-wood home,

They won me from the tent,
And Blightingly they spake of soenes.
Where my young days were spent.

They dasiled me with halls of hght,

But tears would sometimes starts
They thought 'twas but to charm the eye

And they might win the heart.

They gaye me gems to bind my hairi

I long*d the while for flowers
Fresh gathered by my gipay freres,.

From Nature's wildest bowers.

They gaye me books, — I lor'd alona

To read the starry skies ;
They taught me songs, — the songs I loy'd

Were Nature's melodies.

I nerer heard a captiye bird,

But, panting to be free,
I long'd to burst the prison door.

And share his liberty.

* Kohl's England.

<a €xMt fst tJFB ^ip.

*Twa8 kindly meant, and kindly hearts

Were theirfl who bade me roam,
From Nature and her forests firee.

To share her city's home.

The woods are green, the hedges white.

With leaves and blossoms fair.
There's music in the forest now,

And I too must be there.

do not ehide the gipsy girl,
O call me not unkind ;

1 ne'er shall meet so dear a friend.
As her I leaye behind.

Yet I must to the green-wood go,

My heart has long been there,
And nothing but the green-wood now.

Can save me from despair."

The meaning attached by many to the term civilization
is extremely vague and indefinite^ and it is certainly an
intangible thing, which vanishes when individuals become
isolated in a new region, where it does not exist. The
UabiUty to retrogression into a state of baxbarism, in indi-
viduals of the White races, when placed away from all the
advantages and restraints of civilized life, is strikingly ex-
emplified in a remarkable occurrence, related in a letter
published in the " North American,** in 1839.

At Wilkesbarre, in Pennsylvania, lived a family named
Slocum. During a time of warfare, in 1778, one day the
house was surrounded by Indians. There were in it a mo-
ther, a daughter about nine years of age, a son aged
thirteen, another daughter aged five, and a litde boy aged
two and a half. The eldest sister took up the little boy
and ran out of the back door. The Indians then took
young Slocum, aged thirteen, and little Frances, aged five,
and prepared to depart. But finding young Slocum lame,
at the earnest entreaties of the mother, they set him down
and left him, but kept the little girl. The mother's heart
swelled unutterably, and for years she could not describe
the scene without tears. She saw an Indian throw her

«.. ,

ia €n\iiAt ht tju Mtin.

child over his shoulder, and immediately turn into the
bushes. What were the conversations, the conjectures, the
hopes, and the fears respecting the fate of the child, I will
not attempt to describe, but this was the last she saw of
her little Frances.

As the boys grew up and became men, they were very
anxious to know the fate of their fair-haired sister. They
wrote letters, they sent inquiries, they made journeys,
through all the West and into the Canadas. Four of these
journeys were made in vain. A silence, deep as the forest
through which they wandered, hung over her fate during
sixty years.

The reader will now pass over fifty-eight years, and sup-
pose himself far in the wilderness of Indiana. A very
respectable agent of the United States, the Hon. George
W. Ewing, travelled there, and weary and belated, with a
tired horse, stopped in an Indian wigwam for the night. He
could speak the Indian language. The family were rich for
Indians, and had horses and skins in abundance. In the
course of the evening, he noticed that the hair of the woman
was light, and that her skin under her dress was white. This
led to conversation. She told him she was a White child,
but had been carried away when a veiy little girl. She
could only remember that her name was Slocum, that she
lived in a small house on the banks of the Susquehanna,
and how many there were in her father's family, and the
order of their ages ! But the name of the town she could
not remember. On reaching his home, the agent wrote out
an account of what had been elicited, which he got printed.
In a while, it fell into the hands of Mr. Slocum of Wilkes-
baxre, who was the little boy aged two years and a half
when Frances was taken. In a few days he was off to seek
his sister, taking with him his older sister, (the one who
aided him to escape,) writing to a brother in Ohio, (born
after the captivity,) to meet him to go with him.

The two brothers and sister now travelled on their way

% €n\ask for tjiB Mt^xa.

to seek little Frances, just sixty years after her captivity.
They reached the country of the Miami Indians and found
the wigwam. ^^ I shall know my sister/' said the civilized
sister, ^^ because she lost the nail of her first finger. You,
brother, hammered it off in the blacksmiths* shop, when she
was four years old." They went into the cabin, and found
an Indian woman having the appearance of seventy-five,
painted and jewelled off, and dressed like the Indians in
all respects. Nothing but her hair and covered skin
indicated her origin. They got an interpreter, and began
to converse. She told them where she was bom, her
name, &c., with the order of her father's family. " How
came your nail gone ?" said the oldest sister. " My brother
pounded it off when I was a little child in the shop !"
In a word, they were satisfied that this was Frances, their
long lost sister. They asked her what her Christian name
was. She could not remember. Was it Frances? she
smiled, and said '* Yes.^* It was the first time she had
heard it pronounced for sixty years! Here, then, they
were met — two brothers and two sisters ! They were all
satisfied that they were brothers and sisters. But what a
contrast ! The brothers were v^ralking the cabin, unable to
speak ; the oldest sister was weeping, but the poor Indian
sister sat motionless and passionless, as indifferent as a
spectator. There was no throbbing, no fine chords in her
bosom to be touched.

When Mr. Slocum was relating this history, he was asked,
** But could she not speak English ?" ** Not a word.
" Did she know her age ?" " No — ^had no idea of it
" But was she entirely ignorant ?" " Sir, she dicTnt know
when Sunday comes r This was indeed the consummation
of all ignorance in a descendant of the Puritans !

But what a picture for a painter would the inside of that
cabin have afforded ? Here, were the children of civiliza*
tion, respectable, temperate, intelligent, and wealthy, able
to overcome mountains to recover their sister. There, was

«•

t»

a (Krikttfe fiir i^ JSjgtD-

the cliild of the forest^ not able to tell the day of the week^
whose views and feelings were all confined to that cabin.
Her whole history might be told in a word. She lived
with the Delawares who carried her off till grown up, and
then- married a Delaware. He either died or ran away,
and she then married a Miami Indian, a chief, I believe.
She had two daughters, both of whom were married, and who
lived in ail the glory of an Indian cabin, deerskin clothes,
and cowskin head dresses. No one of the family could speak
a word of English. They had horses in abundance, and
when the Indian sister wanted to accompany her new rela-
tives, she whipped out, bridled her horse, and then, a la
TurCy mounted astride, and was off. At night she could
throw a blanket around her, down upon the floor, and at
once be asleep.

The brothers and sister tried to persuade their lost sister
to return with them, and, if she desired it, bring her
children. They would transplant her again to the banks of
the Susquehanna, and of their wealth make her home
happy. But no : she had always lived with the Indians ;
they had always been kind to her, and she had promised
her late husband on his death-bed, that she would never
leave the Indians. And there they left her and hers, wild
and darkened heathen, though sprung from a pious race. *

The strong disinclination and determination against
returning to civilized life, are strikingly evinced in the
case of this offspring of the Saxon race, captured in infancy.
But no one will urge that such a circumstance proves that
race less capable of civilization than another. No more so
in the case of the Negro, who having known something of
civUized life, may, like the gipsy girl, feel an irresistible
longing to return again to a roving state of existence. Yet
owing to a single circumstance of this kind on record, the
South Africans have been represented by some travellers
as incapable of being civilized. The case I allude to is

* Hist. Collect, of the State of FennBylYania.

a €rilHtte fiir % Mt^n^

that of Pegu, a Hottentot youth, whom Governor Van Der
Stell educated. He learnt the Dutch, Portuguese, and
other languages, which he could speak with fluency. In
1685, he went to India with Commissioner Van Rheede,
and continued with him till his death. He then returned
to the Cape, but would no longer remain in civilized life;
he went to his tribe, and returned no more, becoming a
Chief amongst them.

" * Ah ! why,' he cried, ' did I forsake
My natire fields for pent-up halls,
The roaring stream, the wild-bird's lake.
For silent books and prison walls ?

A little will mj wants supply,

And what oan wealth itself do more ?
The sylran wilds will not deny

The humble tare they gave before.

Where Nature's wild resources grow.

And out-door pleasure never &des.
My heart is fixed ; — and I will go

And die among my native shades.'

He spoke — and to the eastern springs

(His gown forthwith to pieces rent.
His blanket tied with leathern strings,)

This hunter of the mountains went."

It is worthy of remark, as the historian relates, that it is
to be feared the young African was disgusted with many of
the professing Christians with whom he came in contact ;
" and not being aware that some ' have a name to live who
are dead,' he forsook them altogether, and imited again
with his own people."

On the same grounds, under propitious circumstances,
the progress of man in civilization and refinement, is equal
in ratio to that in which he is liable to relapse, when more
unfavourably circumstanced ; and we may rest assured there
is nothing in the physical or moral constitution of the Negro,
which renders him an exception to the general character of
species, or which prevents him from improving in all the

<t^vC^^

1 1 '-

H Crihtttt for tju JIfgrn.

estimable qualities of our nature, when placed in a situa-
tion conducive to his advancement*

It would be absurd to expect that a statue or a painting
should become perfect at once, or to find fault with the
work of an artist before he has had time to complete it. The
husbandman does not expect a crop immediately after he
has sown his seed ; he must wait for it. The father does not
expect that his son will be a scholar when he first goes to
school ; nor does he, when he has finished the term of his
education, allege that he has acquired nothing, because he
has not attained the greatest heights in literature, or because
he may not be able to solve the most difficult problems in
science. Time has been required to make the White races
what they now are, and the general improvement of the Afri-
can will likewise probably be a work of some time ; yet we
have every reason to believe, that by cultivation, he may attain
to an equal point of civilization and intelligence with that
of any other people. Nay, under all .possible disadvantages,
we find evident proofs of the progress he is capable of
making, whether insulated by the deserts of Africa from com-
munication with other nations, or surrounded by the Slave
fSsictories of Europeans, or groaning under the cruelties of
the driver's whip. This progress would be accelerated, in
proportion as these grand impediments are removed. While,
on the one hand, Africa is civilized by the establishment of
a legitimate commerce between its fertile and populous
regions and the more polished nations of the world, those
Negroes who are already freed from their grievous thral-
dom in the New World, would rapidly improve in all the
best faculties of the mind.

CHAPTEB XIII.

Blavery defended on the plea of coercion being neoeesary for the Negro —
Befdtation of this charge — Palliated by repreeenting him as deficient in
the finer feelings — ^This also refnted — ^Testimony of Capt. Bainsford —
Bemarks of Dr. Philip — ^All arguments fSailing, the supporters of Slayeiy
assert the Negro to be under a Divine anathema — Observations of
Biohard Watson on this subject — Befiited on Christian grounds — ^AU
tribes stretching out their hands unto Gk>d — He is sending his messen-
gers into the African field — The results of missionary labours very satis-
fiEUJtory and conclusive — ^Encouraging fsMsts evincing the progress of the
Negro in virtue and religion— Instances illustrative of the highest reli-
gious susceptibilities — Ghistavus Yassa — Solomon Bayley — ^BeUndaLucaa
— ^Lucy Cardwell — Simeon Wilhelm — Paul Cuffe — Cornelius — J. W. 0.
Pennington — Jan Tzatzoe — ^Andries Stoffles, &c., &c. — ^Testimony of
Barnabas Shaw, a Wesleyan Missionary in South AMca — Such evidences
very conclusive — Beautiful remarks by Bichard Watson.

Among the numerous reasons assigned for the rigorous
treatment to which the Negro race is subjected, it is
asserted, as observed in a previous chapter, that nothing
but a state of extreme coercion is sufficient to keep them
in any kind of order or control. That they should quietly
submit to the insults and cruelties which are so coolly dealt
out to them, would be contrary to human nature. When
human beings are forcibly torn from their homes, and sepa-
rated from all that is near and dear to them, and deprived
of every liberty they enjoy, can we be surprised if they
should evince some indignance, or manifest some signs of
unwillingness to submit to the cruel yoke imposed upon
them, and an occasional inclination to revolt ? Negroes
have sometimes exhibited a spirit of despondency, which
has led them to commit suicide; they have sometimes
shown themselves irreconcileable to a state of Slavery, and
have frequently been driven to self-destruction by a spirit
of unyielding independence. In one of the small Danish
islands, where they were in open rebellion, finding

a ^^rihnb for % Mi^m.

163

themselves closely pressed, but determined not to submit,
they rushed in a body to the edge of a cliff overhanging the
sea, and plunged at once into the waves, *

But so £eu: from the general character of the Negro being
so savage and imtractable as to require strong coercion,
their patience and submissiveness, unless provoked by acts
of wanton cruelty, has been illustrated in their general con-
duct in the degraded capacity to which they have been
doomed. With spirits more resentful, the Negro tribes
would not have been for ages an easy prey to every plunderer
and hunter of men. " Their shores would have bristled
with spears, and their arrows have darkened the heavens ;
nor would the experiment of man-stealing have been twice
repeated. The same character distinguishes the Negroes
in their state of bondage. It has not required a violent hand
to keep them down ; their story is not that of surly sub-
mission, interrupted by frequent and convulsive efforts to
break their chains ; and the history of Slavery nowhere,
and in no age, presents an example of so much resignation
and quietness, under similar circumstances, where the
bondage has been so absolute, and the proportion of the
dominant part of society so small."

Another plea which has been urged as a palliation of the
sin of Slavery, is the alleged fact of the deficiency in the
victims of oppression of the finer feelings of our nature,
their want of affection for their ofl&pring and kindred ties.
But this is as false in fact, as it is opposed to sound prin-
ciples of philosophy. Captain Rainsford observes, ^^ The
most animated and attractive examples of pure and ardent
love to the husbands of their hearts, and the fathers of
their offspring, are as strikingly exhibited under the roofs
of various Negro huts, as are anywhere displayed in the
families of the White races. In the laudable duties of
married life, and the maternal offices to the precious pledges
of connubial intercourse, the transported and enslaved

* Jamaica : EnBlaved and Free.

164

% €nMt fin: tjit JIfgrn.

matrons of Africa, are not to be surpassed by the enlightened
and free females of the freest land.'*

The passions and instincts necessary for the preserva-
tion of the human species are little dependent upon the
reasonings and refinements of men, and are often more
strongly evinced in the lowest than in the highest grades of
society. Can we suppose, for a moment, that the Author
of our nature, who has imparted to the most timid brutes,
an attachment to their young, which makes them boldly
risk their lives in their defence, should leave any portion
of our race, in their more hopeless condition, without a
provision for them affording an equal security ? It is, on
the contrary, natural to suppose that the oppressions of the
parents should rather increase than lessen their attachment
to their children ; and, in point of fact, Negroes in
general are remarkable for an excess of affection for their
of&pring. " The separations of parents and children,"
says Dr. Philip, '^ have, indeed, furnished the most heart*
rending scenes that I have witnessed in South Africa ; and
in a letter now before me, from a respectable individual in
the colony, on this very subject, the writer states, ' heart-
rending, indeed, are the woeful lamentations I often hear
from Hottentot mothers about the loss of their children.* **

Let it not be said that the sable African has not the
sensibilities of other men. Even the brute has the yearn-
ings of parental love. If, then, the conjugal and parental
ties of the Slave may be severed without a pang, what a
curse must Slavery be, if it can thus blight the heart with
worse than brutal insensibility, if it can sink the human
mother below the polar she-bear, which *^ howls and dies
for her sundered cub !*' But it does not and cannot turn
the Slave to stone ; though it does much to quench the na-
tural affections, it leaves sufficient of that feeling, which
the Negro originally possesses in an equal extent to any
other dass of men, to make the domestic wrongs to which
he is subjected, occasions of frequent and deep suffering.

■^-^^

% €xMt for % Mtita.

All arg^uments failing those who coin dollars out of the
sweat and tears of the African, they would faiu have the
world to believe, as a last resource, that these anomalous
beings have had a mark put upon them by the Almighty,
that they might be at once detested, avoided, and treated
only as beasts of the field. To this unfortunate race has
been applied the prophetic malediction of Noah, *' Cursed
be Canaan ; a servant of servants shall he be to his bre*
thren," the descendants of Shem and Japheth ; and the dark
garment of the former is poiuted out as indicating the fulfil-
ment of their earthlyfate* It isnot enough that they should
bq stultified in intellect, and brutalized beyond correction in
morals ; they must be represented as under a Divine ana-
thema, as a part of an accursed race ; thus are they not
only denied the honours of humanity, but are even excluded
from the compassions of 6od« And, because they have
been represented as under the ban of the Almighty, it has
. been concluded, that every kind of injury, may with im-
punity, be inflicted upon them by his creatures.

" Nothing," says Watson, " is more repulsive than to
see men resorting to the inspired writings for an excuse or
a palliative for the injuries which they are incited to inflict
on otiiers by their own pride and avarice ; going up pro-
fanely to the very judgment-seat of an equal God, to plead
his sanction for their injustice; establishing an alliance
between their own passions and their imperfections ; and
attempting to convert the fountain of his mercy into waters
of bitterness. But the case they adduce will not serve
them. The malediction of Noah (if we allow it to be one,
and not a simple prediction) fell not upon the Negro races ;
it fell chiefly on Asia, and only to a very limited extent
upon Afirica ; it fell, as the terms of the prophecy explicitiy
declare, upon Canaan ; that is, in Scripture style, upon his
descendants, the Canaanites, who were destroyed, or made
subjects by the Israelites ; and perhaps upon the Cartha-
ginians, who were subverted by tiie Romans. Here was

a ^rilittb fnr tjit i&fgrn.

its range and its limit ; the curse never expanded so as to
encompass a single Negro tribe ; and, Africa, with all thy
just complaints against the practices of Christian states,
thou hast none against the doctrines of the Christian's
Bible ! That is not a book, as some have interpreted it,
written, as to thee, * within and without,' in * lamentation,
and mourning, and woe ;* it registers against thee no curse ;
but, on the contrary, exhibits to thee its fulness of bless-
ings ; establishes thy right to its covenant of mercy, in
common with all mankind; and crowds into the joyous
prospect which it opens into the future, the spectacle of
all the various tribes ' stretching out their hands uato
God,' acknowledging him, and receiving his blessing !

'' But, if the prediction of Noah were an anathema, and
if that malediction were directed against the Negro races ;
yet, let it be remarked, it belongs not to the gospel age. Here
the anathemas of former dispensations are arrested and re-
pealed ; for no nation can remain accursed under the full
establishment of the dominion of Christ, since 'all the
families of the earth ' are to be ' blessed in Him.' The
deleterious stream which withers the verdure of its banks,
and spreads sterility through the soils it touches in its
course, is at length absorbed and purified in the ocean,
ascends from thence in cooling vapours, and comes down
upon the earth in fruitful showers. Thus Christianity
turns all curses into benedictions. Its office is to bless,
and to bless all nations ; it is light after darkness, and quiet
after agitation. The restoring and the healing character is
that in which all the prophets array our Saviour ; and if
partiality is ascribed to Him at all, it is partiality in favour
of the most despised, and friendless, and wretched of our
kind. The scythe has gone before, and, in all ages, has
swept down the fairest vegetation, and left it to wither, or
to be trodden under foot; but * He^ it is emphatically
declared, ' shall come down like rain upon the mown grass,
like showers that water the earth :' ^ aU nations shall be

a (Krihtttt &r t|it JIfgra,

blessed in Him/ and * all people,* in grateful return,
^ «Aa2Z caZ2 ITm blessed,' "

Blessed for ever, then, be His holy name, whose com-
passions fail not, whose mercies are new every morning, for
he hath already arisen in His strength, and said ^^the
oppressor shall no more oppress ;*' I will send forth my
messengers into all the dark places of the earth ; light shall
spring forth ; their mourning shall be turned into rejoicing,
and I will yet lead them beside the still waters. Marvel-
lous indeed is the loving-kindness of Him, whose preroga-
tive alone it is, to send forth labourers into the harvest, in
conducting the steps of so many into the African field ;
infusing into the hearts of good men from year to year, a
special compassion for this race. The memory of those
who have chosen danger and toil to ease and luxury at
home, and who have now ceased from their labours, is
blessed. Their " reward is on high," and their " work
with God." Those who now endure the cross and glory in
it, whether they labour under the suns of the West Indies,
or breathe the pestilential air of Western Africa, or in the
southern parts of that continent, toil over hills and through
deserts, " to seek and to save that which is lost," — they
know that God is with them What gold could purchase
such instruments ? What education could form them ?
What implanted principles of human action, where wealth,
and honour, and ease, are all absent, could send them forth ?
Are they not the instruments of Heaven, indicating by the
very nature of their preparation, the peculiar work to which
they are called, the special use to which they are to apply
themselves ? " They are indeed the agents to carry forth
our charities to the Heathen, to bear our light into the
misery over which we sigh. Without them we should sigh
in vain, and our sympathies would terminate in ourselves ;
by them we reach and relieve the cases of destitute millions,
and transmit the blessedness of which we are anxious that
all should partake. Thus, man is made a saviour of his

a €xMt for tjit 3lBgni.

fellow, and the creature of a day the instrument of con-
veying blessings which have no bound but a limitless
eternity itself ! "

Let us appeal to the results of the labours of these
devoted men, and see how far they warrant us in con-
eluding, that the Negro race is capable with ourselves of
receiving, and fully appreciating the great truths of our
religion. These results are altogether most satisfactory
and conclusive.

About the year 18S4, a Jamaica missionary writes : —
" Not only has religion found its way into almost every
town and village of importance in the island, but in a greater
or less degree, into the majority of the estates, and other
larger properties. As soon as its sacred influence begins
to be felt on a property, or in a new township, the first
work of the converts is, to add to their cluster of cottages
a house for God. There they are heard, often before the
dawn of day, and at the latest hour preceding their repose,
pouring out their earnest and artless supplications at the
throne of grace,* for strength to enable them to maintain
their Christian course.*'*

" The numbers of our hearers," writes brother Lang, " is
on the increase, and the preaching of the gospel evinces its
power on the hearts of the Negroes, which also appears in
their moral conduct. Some walk in true fellowship of
spirit with our Saviour, and have received the assurance
of the forgiveness of their sins : others are mourning on ac-
count of sin, and seeking salvation in Jesus. One Sabbath
lately, a Negro, from an estate about fifteen miles from Car-
mel (Jamaica), brought me a stick marked with seven
notches, each denoting ten Negroes, informing me that
there were so many Negroes on that estate engaged in
praying to the Lord. The awakening spreads, and we en-
tertain hopes that our Saviour will now gather a rich har-
vest in Jamaica." f

* Jamaica : Enslared and Free. f Idem.

'IN"

-T\

ia €nMt in % SegtiL

169

Another Jamaica missionary writes^ '^ It is also worthy of
observation^ that instead of singing their old Negro songs
in the fields they now sing our hymns ; and I was much
pleased one night, when passing the Negro houses, to hear
them engaged fervently in prayer." •

Another missionary writes, ^' However debased by vice
the Negro Slaves were in the days of their ignorance, they
are now sober, chaste, industrious, and upright in all their
dealings. Nor is this all ; they are eager, punctual, and
persevering in all the services of devotion. Their domestic
circle is distinguished by the daily exercises of prayer and
praise; and the Sabbath is called ^a delight, the holy of
the Lord,' and spent in the solemnities of His sacred worship.
This indeed is wonderful! In a country where the Sabbath
is devoted to public traffic ; where, comparatively speaking,
marriage is not so much as thought of ; and, where it is
common to indulge in the most debauched inclinations,
without the least restraint, — to see them keeping the
Sabbath-day holy, renouncing all their criminal connections,
and standing forth as examples of purity and religion, is
manifestly the Lord's doing ; for nothing short of the power
of God could obtain a victory like this over habit, example,
and such corruption of the human heart." f

The missionaries have elucidated how far the African
race are susceptible of religious impressions ; '' they have
dived," says Watson, "into that mine from which we were
often told no valuable ore or precious stone could be ex-
tracted; and they have brought up the gems of an immortal
spirit, flashing with the light of intellect, and glowing with
the hues of Christian graces. The true God has now been
revealed to the minds of the African races, in the splendour
of his own revelations ; the heavens have been taught to
declare to them his glory, and the firmament to show forth
his handywork ; they know him now as their ' Father in
Heaven,' and have learned that his watchful providence

* Jamaica : EnBlayed and Free, t Quoted in Watson's Sermons.

a €tMt fer tjit Mt^n.

extends to them. Rising suns, and smiling fields, and rolling
thunders, and sweeping hurricanes, all speak of Him to
Negro hearts ; and Negro voices mingle with our own in
giving to Him the praises 'due unto His name/ The
history of the incarnate God, and the scenes of Calvary
have been unfolded to their gaze ; they hear ' the word
of reconciliation,' are invited to a ' throne of grace,' and
there ' find mercy, and grace to help in time of need.'
They have the Sabbath with its sanctities ; and houses of
prayer, raised by the liberality of their friends, receive their
willing, pressing crowds. One to another they now say,
' Come and let us go up to the house of the Lord ;' and tens
of thousands of them now, in every religious service, join
us in those everlasting anthems of the universal church, ' We
praise thee, O God ! we acknowledge thee to be the Lord !' "

Instances might be multiplied, almost without end,
illustrative of the races of Africa being universally endowed
with religious susceptibilities equal to those of any other
people on the face of the earth ; and many are the examples
of purity, and of advancement in religious experience
and attainments, which might be brought forward as wit-
nesses to its truth. I will only mention the names of
Gustavus Yassa, Solomon Bayley, Belinda Lucas, Lucy
Cardwell, Simeon Wilhelm, Paul Cuffe, L. C. Michells,
Richard Cooper, Africaner, Cornelius, Jan Tzatzoe,
Andries Stofiies, J.W. C. Pennington, John Williams, Eva
Bartells, respecting each of whom information is given in
the sequel of this work. In Stofiies, we have exhibited a
noble example of the Christian character. At an early
period, the truths of religion exerted a decisive and salutary
infiuence over his mind, leading him to profess himself a
disciple of the Saviour, and enabling him, under many dis-
advantages and temptations, to maintain his Christian pro-
fession unsullied till the close of life.

I cannot forbear relating another interesting fact, from
Shaw's Memorials of South Africa, which he beautifully

H Crihttte for t^ jUfgrn.

records in the following words : — *' The pious natives of
ELhamies Berg, in South Africa, continued to improve both
in temporal and spiritual matters, and were as a city set on
a hill which cannot be hid : their light shone in worshipping
Crod in their families. Often have I heard them engaged
in prayer before the sun had gilded the tops of the mountains ;
nor were their evening devotions neglected. As I have stood
by the mission-house, with the curtains of night dravm
around us, I could hear them uniting in singing their
beautiful evening hymn. Then falling around their family
altar, though in a smoky hut, they felt the presence of the
Most High, and the fulfilment of his promise, ' The habi-
tation of the just shall be blessed.' "

On another occasion, writes the Missionary Shaw; —
** It was nearly midnight, when, on awaking, I heard the
sound of singing at a distance. I repaired to the vnndow
to listen, when all nature seemed to favour the song. The
moon shone resplendently, and the stars glittered in their
spheres. There was no bleating of sheep, or lowing of
oxen ; no howling of wolves ; the night birds were still :
nor did a dog move his tongue. The midnight music was
so sweet, that, at the time, I supposed I had never heard
anything to equal it. The singers were going from hut to
hut, uniting in the praises of God, who had brought them
^ out of darkness into marvellous light ;* and as they ap-
proached the mission-house, I could distinguish the subject
of their song. It was a hymn of praise to the Saviour of
men, one verse of which, according to their custom, was often
repeated. The nightly fires brightened up as the singers
went onward, and they called on the head of each family to
engage in prayer. In their state of ignorance they had often
danced to the sound of the rommel-pot, while the moon was
walking in brightness ; but by means of the Gospel, they
had learnt a new song, which reminded me of the words of
Isaiah, * Let the inhabitants of the rock sing, let them shout
from the top of the mountains.' Several children who had

a €rilmte &r t|it ^Bgro,

been attentive to the Gospel began to show an extraor-
dinary attachment to the house of God, they bowed before
the Lord their Maker, and sung joyful Hosannas to the
Son of David."

With such evidences as these, we need no laborious and
critical investigation to determine whether ^^ Ethiopia
shall soon stretch out her hands unto jGod ;'* no prying into
the mystic counsels of heaven, to ascertain whether the
" time to favour her, yea, the set time be come." Go to
the free colonies, ye that doubt ; scarcely is there one of
them in which there have not been reared for the Negro,
sacred buildings for worship and instruction, devoted to
their own use, and which they regard as peculiarly their
own. ^^ In crowded congregations, in those spacious edi-
fices, Ethiopia already stretches out her hands unto God,
and, led by the light which creates our Sabbath, meets us
at the same throne of grace, and receives, with us, the
benedictions of the common Father and the common Sa-
viour. And the prophetic promise is dawning upon parent
Africa also. Hottentots, Kafirs, Bechuanahs, Foulahs, and
Mandingoes in the west, some of all the tribes, are already
in the fold, and hear and love the voice of the great Shep-
herd. We hail you as brethren ! — the front ranks of all
those swarthy tribes which are deeply buried in the vast
interior of an unexplored continent, you, stretch out your
hands unto God, as a signal for the tribes beyond you ;
and the signal shall be followed, and every hand of thy
millions, Africa ! shall raise itself in devotion to thy pitying
Saviour, and every lip shall ere long modulate accents of
grateful praise to thy long concealed, but faithful God!"*

CHAPTEB XIV.

Slavery coxuideirad — ^A yiolation of the rights of Man — ^Remarks of Milton
— Condemned bj Pope Leo X.^Bemark8 of Bishop Warbtirton— How
can Christians continue to be its upholders? — Ghult of Britons and Ameri-
cans — Expiation of our sin by a noble sacrifice — ^We can never repay the
debt we owe to Africa — ^White Man instilling into those he calls
** tavage^^ a despicable opinion of human nature — ^We practise what we
should exclaim against — 'So tangible plea for Slavery — Criminal to re-
main silent spectators of its crimes — ^We cannot plead ignorance as an
excuse for silence or inactivity — Seven millions of human beings now in
Slavery — Four hundred thousand annually torn from Africa — Slavery a
monstroTis crime — ^A robbery perpetrated on the very sanctuary of man's
rational nature — A sin against Gk>d — ^America's foul blot — Slaves repre-
sented as happy ! — Bemarks on this.

Although the consideration of the subject of Slavery is
not altogether within the province of this work, I shall not
feel satisfied without making some allusion to it in a few
words ; seriously putting the question to all those who are
concerned in the system, directly or indirectly, whether, in
the face of what has already been cited, they can still, with an
easy conscience, look down with an eye of scorn upon their
fellow-creatures of a darker hue, or continue to hold them
in unwilling bondage, or depress them as they do, with the
iron hand of Slavery.

Claims to personal liberty are the birthright of every
human being, irrespective of clime or of colour ; — claims
which God has conferred, and which man cannot destroy
without sacrilege, nor infringe without sin. They have
claims which are anterior to all human laws, and which are
superior to all political institutions, — ^inunutable in their
nature. Thus writes our great poet Milton : —

<< O execrable maa, so to aspire
Above his brethren, to himself assuming
Authority usurpt, from God not given ;
He gave us only over beast, fish, fowl,
Dominion absolute ; that right we hold

a '€nMt Us tjn JIfp.

Bj hiB donation ; but man oyer men
He made not lord, such title to himflolf
Beserring, human left from human firee.

Many condemnations against the system of one class of
men oppressing another might be adduced. Pope Leo X.,
when the question was referred to him^ declared '^ That
not only the Christian religion, but nature herself cried out
against Slarery." The continuance of the unmerited and
brutish servitude of the Negro, is undoubtedly nothing
short of a criminal and outrageous violation of the natural
rights of man. — ** Gracious God ! ** exclaims Bishop War-
burton, *^ to talk of men as of herds of cattle, of property
in rational creatures, creatures endowed with all our facul-
ties, possessing all our qualities but that of colour, our
brethren both by nature and by grace, shocks all the feel-
ings of humanity, and the dictates of common sense !
Nothing is more certain in itself and apparent to all, that
the infamous traffic in Slaves directly infringes both divine
and human law. Nature created man free, and grace in-
vites him to assert his freedom."

How can Christian professors, — ^professors of a religion
breathing love and good will to man, continue to be the
undisguised and guilty supporters and advocates of the atro-
cious system of Slavery ? themselves the owners, and the
dealers in these '' human chattels ;" who, as if in mockery
of the sacred name of liberty, are exposed for sale within
the very precincts of those

"Coundl Halls,
Where freedom's praise is loud and long,

While olose beneath the outward walls
The driyer plies his reeking thong —

The hammer of the man-thief fidls I"

It makes one's very blood to boil, it makes one tremble
to think, that we Britons and our American descendants,
with all their boastful cry of " Liberty," are so guilty ; but
it is some consolation to reflect that we at least, have made

a Crihab for t|i JSfgrn.

a greater sacrifice than was ever made by any nation to ex-
piate our sin. *^ On the page of history/' it has been said,
** one deed shall stand out in whole relief — one consenting
voice pronounce — that the greatest honour England ever
attained, was when, with her Sovereign at her head, she
proclaimed, — ^the Slave is Free !" — ^Yes, " in the pages of
history," says the estimable Hugh Stowell, '' this act will
stand out the gem in our diadem."

Yet all the efforts we can make for the civil and religious
welfare of the Negro family will never repay the debt we
owe to the whole race of Africa for having robbed her of
her children, under every aggravated form of cruelty, to
increase our own comforts, to augment our private wealth,
and add to our public revenues, by toils which imposed a
daily stretch upon their sinews ; a task which had no ter-
mination, but with their lives.

The White Man may boast of his superior intellect, and
the peculiar advantages he enjoys, of a written revelation
of his duty from heaven, of which he has deprived the vic-
tims of his oppression ; yet with all his vaunted superiority,
he is instilling into the minds of those whom he chooses to
call savages and barbarians, the very reverse of that which
the Divine law inculcates, the most despicable opinion of
human nature. To the utmost of our power do we weaken
and dissolve the universal tie that should bind and unite
mankind. We practise what we should exclaim against as
the greatest excess of cruelty and tyranny, if nations of the
world, differing in colour from ourselves, were able to re-
duce tt^ to a state of similar unmerited and brutish servitude.
We sacrifice our reason, our humanity, our Christianity,
to an unnatural sordid gain. We teach other nations to
despise and trample under foot all the obligations of social
virtue. We take the most effectual method to prevent the
propagation of the Gospel, by representing it as a scheme
of power and barbarous oppression, and an enemy to the
natural privileges and rights of man.

1' €rilrate for tin Jltgnr,

I assert^ that there does not exist in nature^ in religion^
or in civil polity, a reason for robbing any man of his liberty ;
that there is neither truth, nor justice, nor humanity in the
declaration, that Slavery is consonant with the condition of
Negro-men. To devote one-fourth of the habitable globe
to perpetual blood-shed and warfare — to give up the vast
continent of Africa to the ravages of the man-robbers who
deal in flesh and blood — the marauders who sack the towns
and villages — the merchant-murderers who ply the odious
trade, who separate the child from the mother, the husband
from the wife, the father from the son, is a monstrous system
of cruelty, which, in any of its forms is intolerable and
unjust. " Cry aloud and spare not," was the language of one
formerly; a language especially applicable at the present
day on the question before us, in relation to which Benezet
justly queries, " Can we be innocent, and yet silent spec^
tators of this mighty infringement of every human and
sacred right?"

There are questions affecting the highest interests of
society, on which it is criminal to be silent. There are
crimes and conspiracies against Man, in his collective and
individual capacity, which strip the guilty of all the respect
due to the adventitious circumstances connected with rank
and station ; and to know that such combinations exist, and
not to denounce them, is treason against the throne of
Heaven, and the immutable principles of Truth and Justice.

We cannot plead ignorance as an excuse either for silence
or inactivity : —

" Behold the Negro !
— The curse of man his branded forehead bears,
His bosom with the scorching iron sear'd,
His fett-ered limbs defiled with streams of gore !"

" Hark ! from the "West a voice of woe ;
Ah ! yes ; it echoes o*er the wide Atlantic's ware ;
We hear the knotted scourge, the dying cry ;
Yonder the torturer's hands, the clanking chain ;
Fly to the rescue ! lingering loiterer fly !

i>»

<rf)

a €xMt firr tjre 3ltgrn.

Behold them! men, women, and children, with tearful
eyes, and with uplifted hands, with branded and bleeding
bodies, with lacerated feet and clanking chains, supplicating,
on bended knees, for the restoration of their rights!

" It is the Toioe of blood i^O think ! O tUnk !

Ati — ^for the injured, dying Slare :
Nor let him linger longer — deeper sink —

But haste to help — to Bave.

Let not his injuries plead in Tain»

Lest haply in thy dying day,
Thy soul should bear a guilty stain,

Which nought can wash away.

O help him, lest in hall and bower,

HIb crying blood thy joys molest ;
Or, speaking through the midnight hour,

Chase like a ghost thy rest.

O help him — ^bless him — ^for ye can :

Hear Beason's — ^hear Religion's plea,
Dedace to all^HX ib k kak —

Therefore — jhl shall bb fbbe!"

When we reflect that there are now in the world, upwards
of Sbysk Millions of human beings detained in Slavery ;
who are held as goods and chattels, the property of other
human beings having similar passions with themselves;
that they are liable to be sold and transferred from hand
to hand, like the beasts that perish ; that more than 400,000
are annually sold and removed from the land of their birth ,
to distant regions; and this not in families, the nearest
connexions of life being frequently torn asunder ; and when
we further reflect, that in several, if not in most of the Slave-
holding States, the Slaves are systematically excluded from
the means of improving their minds — that in some, even
teaching them to read is treated as a crime ; and that all these
things exist amongst a people loudly proclaiming the freedom
andequality of their laws — a people professing subjection
to the requirements of Christianity, whose lawgiver has
taught us that he regards the injuries done to the least of

R'.:

a €vMt fst tjiB Jltp!

his children as done to Himself; and has commanded us
above all things to love one another, to do unto all men
as we would that they should do unto us — ^well may we
inquire, " Shall not the Lord visit for these things ? Will
not he be avenged for this grievous sin ?"

The monstrous crime of human Slavery does not merely
affect the external property of man, but the inmost
essence of his spiritual being; it is the iniquity of a
murderous robbery perpetrated on the very sanctuary of
man's rational nature. It is a deprivation of all the rights
and privileges of the individual enslaved, which consist in
the free exercise and expansion of his powers, ** especially
of his higher faculties ; in the energy of his intellect,
conscience, and good affections ; in sound judgment ; in the
acquisition of truth ; in labouring honestly for himself and
his family ; in loving his Creator, and subjecting his own
will to the Divine; in loving his fellow-creatures, and
making cheerful sacrifices for their happiness ; in Mendship ;
in sensibility to the beautiful, whether in nature or art ;
in loyalty to his principles; in moral courage; in self-
respect ; in understanding and asserting his rights ; and in
the christian hope of immortality. Such is the good of the
individual ; a more sacred, exalted, enduring interest than
any accessions of wealth or power to a State." *

The deprivation of the inestimable benefits of external
liberty, though in itself an irreparable injury, bears no
comparison with the loss of his rational powers, a crime
inflicted on the unhappy victim of Slavery, which entirely
changes the course of his destiny. God has endowed us
with intellectual powers that they should be cultivated ;
and a system which degrades them, and qan only be upheld by
their depression, opposes one of his most benevolent designs.
Reason is God's image in man, and the capacity of acquiring
truth is among his best inspirations. To call forth the
intellect is a principal purpose of the circumstances in which

* Channing.

-''Q

a '^rikitb fiir t|[j Jlrgrn,

179

we are placed, of the child's connectiou with the parent,
and of the necessity laid on him in mature life to provide
for himself and otliers. The education of the intellect is
not confined to youth ; but the various experience of later
years does vastly more than books and schools to ripen and
invigorate the faculties.

Now the whole lot of the Slave is fitted to keep his mind
in childhood and bondage. Though living in a land of
hghty few beams find their way to his benighted under-
standing. No parent feels the duty of instructing him. No
teacher is provided for him but the driver, who breaks him
almost in childhood, to the servile tasks which are to fill up
his life. No book is opened to his youthful curiosity ; as
he advances in years, no new excitements supply the place
of teachers. He is not cast on himself, made to depend on
his own energies ; nor do any stirring prizes awaken his
dormant faculties. Fed and clothed by others like a child,
directed in every step, doomed for life to a monotonous
round of labour, he lives and dies without a spring to his
powers, often brutally unconscious of his spiritual nature.
Nor is this all. When benevolence would approach him
with instruction it is repelled. He is not allowed to be
taught. The light is jealously barred out. The voice which
would speak to him as a man, is put to silence. He must
not even be enabled to read the Holy Scriptures. His im-
mortal spirit is systematically crushed.

Slavery, then, is undoubtedly the most tremendous in-
vasion of the natural, inalienable rights of man, and some of
the noblest gifts of God, " life, liberty, and the pursuit of
happiness." What a spectacle do the United States present
to the people of the earth ? A land of professing Christian
republicans, uniting their energies for the' oppression and
degradation of Three Millions of innocent human beings,
the children of one common Father, who suffer the most
grievous wrongs, and the utmost degradation, for no crime of
their ancestors or their own ! Slavery is a sin against Qod

a €xMt fat tin JlfgtD*

as well as against Man ; — a daring usurpation of the prero-
gatiye and authority of the Most High ! and until this foul
blot be removed from America, she will never be the
glorious country her free constitution designed her to be
— never ! so long as her soil is polluted by a single Slave !
But how so ? — ^We are told the Slave is happy ; that he
is gay ; that he is not that wretched and miserable being
he is mostly represented to be. After his toil, he sings, he
dances, he gives no signs of an exhausted frame or gloomy
spirits. "The Slave happy! Why, then, contend for
rights ? Why follow with beating hearts the struggles of
the patriot for freedom ? Why canonize the martyr to
freedom ? The Slave happy ! Then happiness is to be
foimd in giving up the distinctive attributes of a man ; in
darkening intellect and conscience ; in quenching generous
sentiments ; in servility of spirit ; in living imder a whip ;
in having neither property nor rights ; in holding wife and
child at another's pleasure ; in toiling without hope ; in
living without an end ! The Slave, indeed, has his plea-
sures. His animal nature survives the injury to his
rational and moral powers ; and every animal has its en-
joyments. The kindness of Providence allows no human
being to be wholly divorced from good. The lamb frolics ;
the dog leaps for joy ; the bird fills the air with cheerful
harmony; and the Slave spends his holidays in laugh-
ter and the dance. Thanks to Him who never leaves him-
self without a witness ; who cheers even the desert with
spots of verdure ; and opens a foimtain of joy in the most
withered heart ! It is not possible, however, to contemplate
the occasional gaiety of the Slave without some mixture of
painful thought. He is gay, because he is too fallen to
feel his wrongs — ^because he wants proper self-respect. We
are grieved by the gaiety of the insane. There is a
sadness in the gaiety of him whose lightness of heart would
be turned into bitterness and indignation, were one ray
of light to awaken in him the spirit of a man."

CHAPTER IV.

SonroM whenoe tk« cfthmmioai oliargM ftgahut the Kegro enummte
— ^Their ohancter onlj partially .represented — ^Applioable remarks of
Plutarch. — ^Perrerted aoconnts of trayeUers to be guarded against — Op-
portunities ol actual obserration limited — ^Importance of authentic facts
— ^Thef proTe that mankind are all equally endowed, irrespeotire of
Colour or of dime — Compassion for a sofferer heightened by youth,
beauty, and rank — Ab in Mary, Queen of Soots — ^The &ots pneented in
this Tolume prore there is no incompatibility between Negro organization
and intellectual powers — To demonstrate this the design of the work —
In selecting instances for this purpose, the author has been more
thorou(^y impressed with the truth of his proposition — ^Negroes only
require fireedom, education, and good goyemmeot to equal any people—
Expression of sympathy for the oppressed race of Africa.

I must now be more concise^ being desirous of presenting
my readers with tbe numerous biographical and historical facts
to which allusion has been made, in further demonstration
of the assertions I have already brought forward in favour
of the Negro family. A few observations will now sujBice.

It must be observed, that the calumnious charges pre-
ferred against the unfortunate race of Africa, have chiefly
emanated from those who have been interested in pour-
traying their vicious, rather than their virtuous qualities.
Writers of this description are not likely to search for such
collateral facts as might lead to conclusions opposed to their
interests or prejudices ; on the contrary, where circum-
stances of a favourable nature are^ known to exist, there is
great danger of their being left in concealment. Plutarch
remarks, '* When a painter has to draw a fine and elegant
form, which happens to have a blemish, we do not want
him entirely to omit it, nor yet to define it with exactness.
The one would destroy the beauty of the picture ; the other
would spoil the likeness." On a casual perusal of the
works of many writers on the Negro race, it is obvious that
most who have travelled amongst them, have not only

a 'dJriliitb fiir t^ ISip.

<tl^

marked distinctlj, but aggravated their blemishes^ and haye
so far disparaged their more pleasing features, as to create
disgust towards a people, who, if they cannot boast of forms
to call forth admiration, exhibit, nevertheless, but few of those
physical and moral deformities so largely ascribed to them.
There is a propensity, too, in some travellers, to aim at
novelty and effect, which so overbalances all other consider-
ations, as frequently to give rise to very erroneous state-
ments. For instance, a French writer on South Africa,
describes whole tribes of natives which never existed,
except in his own romantic imagination. Another traveller
informs his readers that the Hottentots " shoot their arrows
with great force, sending them sometimes through the body
of an ox ;" a third states that, ** sometimes persons may be
seen at Greenpoint riding on Zebras, which are brought from
the interior, and generally kept at livery ;" while a fourth
informs his readers, that " the roads in the vicinity of Cape
Town are repaired with the tails of cows and oxen.''*

I merely mention these circumstances to put the reader
on his guard, and to exercise cautiousness in receiving all
reports he may read respecting the African, as gospel.
Superficial travellers are themselves liable to be imposed
upon by erroneous statements they may sometimes have
made to them, by interested parties, or through an inte-
rested channel, to serve some sinister motives of the narra-
tors; ignorant of which, they often relate circumstances
far from the real truth, as facts, under the false impression
that they have seen everything with their own eyes, and
heard everything with their own ears.

In order to form a correct estimate of the character of a
people, we must not look into the journals of hasty
travellers for information they may have gathered from
hearsay during their short visits; but to such as have ffr^
resided among them, and have made themselves intimately

* These incorrect statements are quoted by way of caution, in Shaw*s
Memorials of South Africa.

I*-

!c»3

:^-ii

a €n\mit fax t{[B Sigtn.

acquainted with their language, their customs, and their
manners.

When we observe men judging of any portion of the
human race through the medium of their prejudices and
passions, and from insulated facts seizing on general prin-
ciples, we may rest assured they are unsafe guides. They
draw a comparison between the present state of the semi-
barbarous races and a higher standard of civilization ; and
without bestowing one grain of praise, they find fault only
on account of what has not yet been effected for them.
In detailing the degraded state of the Negro, they are silent
as to the great causes of that which they disclaim against,
which has already been satisfactorily explained, as resulting
from the treatment he has so long experienced at the hands
of Europeans, with the almost entire absence of all counter-
acting and meliorating circumstances.

The opportunities of actual observation that fall to the
lot of impartial individuals, are so limited, and the remarks
of travellers and historians writing on this subject, either from
ignorance or misrepresentation, are so much perverted, that
it appeared to the author of the present work, desirable to
correct them by a narration of facts from sources indubitably
authentic, illustrative of the moral, intellectual, and religious
attainments of our sable brethren. These, with various
testimonies on their behalf, are valuable and important, in
conveying unequivocal proofs of the real character and
capabilities of the African race. They are sufficient, I
trust, fully to demonstrate that the same mental and moral
endowments are equally dispensed to all the various races
of mankind, irrespective of colour or of clime ; and I do
sincerely hope, that they may be the means of engender-
ing a more friendly feeling, on the part of the White man,
towards those whom he has so long held in oppression
and treated with scorn and disgrace.

But before a thorough reconciliation can ever be effected,
all those grossly exaggerated reports of the physical and

a €rMt fat % 3ltgrn.

moral deformities of the Negro must be counteracted.
Though their race may not generally reach the standard of
perfection according to our ideas of beauty and symmetry,
we must cease to represent them in the most odious point
of view. It is well known how much the adventitious cir-
cumstances of youth and beauty heighten our compassion
for a sufferer. Add rank to these advantages, and say, too,
that the individual is a highly accomplished female, and
sympathy for her case will be raised to its utmost height.
Had Mary, Queen of Scots, been as defective in personal
charms as she was in prudence, less sympathy would have
been excited by her unfortunate end. Knox might have
made an ugly and deformed woman weep without creating
much indignation ; but the fascinations pf Mary's beauty,
added to her rank, has sunk her crimes, and the benefits
of the Reformation, in the same grave ; and that which
entitled our reformer to the highest praise, the triumph of
his principles, has loaded him with the reproaches of a par-
tial and frivolous world. On the same principle, when the
liberties of a people are to be extinguished, or when greater
severities are to be inflicted, if, besides assigning to them
certain disqualifications for freedom, and the necessity of
restraining their vices, ugliness and deformity can be thrown
into the picture, few will interest themselves in the fate of
the oppressed. Misrepresentation and calumny having
prepared the way, the work of Slavery and extermination
may proceed with impunity. *

Many of the African race, as we have already been
informed, particularly the youth, have interesting coim-
tenances, and under more auspicious circumstances, would
speedily lose those displeasing peculiarities of appearance,
which in all countries are, in a greater or less degree, the
inseparable concomitants of penury and suffering. The
plant, which in the desert, is stunted in its growth
and presents but a scanty foliage, becomes the pride

* Philip's Afrioan BeBearches.

a '^riliiitl fnr % jBip.

185

of the surrounding ecenery when nourished by a more
generous soil.

" Facts," it is said, "are stubborn things," and such is
indeed the case ; they cannot be controverted. The felse
philosophy which imputes to the Negro a constitutional
inferiority, must henceforth be refuted, more by facts and
experience, than by reasoning. If, as I before observed,
instances can be adduced, of individuals of the African race
who have exhibited marks of genius that would be considered
eminent in civilized European society, we have proof that
thereisnoincompatibUitybetwen Negro organization andin-
tellectual power. The design of the succeeding part of this
volume is to bring into view many remarkable cases of this
description. How far it is successful in demonstrating, by a
relation of facta and testimonies, that our Coloured fellow-
creatures aie not ncc«fart/y inferior in their moral, intellec-
tual, or religious capabilities, to other branches of the hu-
man family, and that superior abilities attach do more to a
white than to a sable skin, I must leave my readers to draw
theirown concluuoD. For my own part, I am fully convinced
that the blessings of freedom, education, and good govern-
ment, are alone wanting to make the natives of Africa,
either in an intellectual or moral point of view, equal to the
people of any country on the surface of the globe. Were
these blessings more abundantly conferred upon them,
there can be no doubt that they would, produce more
Phillis Wheatleys, Paul Cuffes, and Gustavus Vassas, to
refute the unfounded calumnies which have been heaped
upon their unfortunate race, to demonstrate before all the
world, that the Creator has not left them destitute of his
noblest ^fts to Man, nor of the power of improving those
he has bestowed upon them.

I repeat it again, — " Let not the abettors of Slavery,
who trample their fellow-creatures beneath their feet, tell
us any more in their own justification, of the degraded
state, the abject minds, and the vices of the Negro Slave ;

a €xMt fat t^ 3lrgrn.

it is upon the system which thus brutifUs a human being
that the reproach falls in all its bitterness.*^

** Yes, to deep sadness sullenly resigned.
He feels his body*s bondage in his mind,
Flits off his generous nature, and to suit
His manner to his fate, puts on the brute.
Oh ! most degrading of all ills that wait
On man, a mourner in his best estate ;
All other sorrow virtue may endure.
And find submission more than half a cure,
But Slaveiy ! virtue dreads it as her grave,
Virtue itself is meanness in the Slave."

Helpless, injured, and oppressed Africans ! many tears
have been shed over jour unhappy fate and your accumu-
lated wrongs ; many sleepless nights have been occupied in
devising means to meliorate your condition, but every
attempt in your behalf must centre in fervent aspiration to
Him who alone can change, even the hard and stony hearts
of your taskmasters ; whose eye is over all His works; and
who will yet arise for your deliverance.

•It is not for finite mortals to ask, why, in the inscrutable
wisdom of Him who overrules all events, he has thus far
permitted one portion of His creatures so cruelly to
oppress another ; or through what instrumentality He will
at length redress the wrongs of the sufferer, bind up his
broken heart, and heal his woimds.

*' Time yet will come, 'tis His decree.
When tyrant force shall fail ;
When JusHcCy all who trample thee.
For evermore must waiL"

Unfortunate fellow-creatures, innocent sufferers, how-
ever you may still continue to be despised and afflicted^
have comfort in believing that this is not the place of your
rest ; endless joys are laid up for you in that blessed country
where the oppressor can no more oppress ; for, doubtless,
you are, equally with all mankind, the objects of redeem-
ing love !

<^0

% €xMt for t|B Mw,

'* Etiiiopia from afar,

Shall adore the sacred name ;
Mercy break the crael bar

That obstructs religion's flame.

Charity responsive glows,

Ardour fills the throbbing breast;
Mourns the wretched captive's woes,

Pants to see those woes redress'd.

Pensive thought awakes to languish,

0*er the mass of human ill ;
Weepe the abject Negro's anguish,

Crush'd beneath a tyrant's will.

Ocean's deep, resistless tide.

Covers many a lovely gem ;
Nor can complexion virtue hide —

Noble actions shine in them.

Who could count the hollow groan?,
Wafted o'er the Atlantic wave,

With the deep and bitter moans,
Ceasing only in the grave !

Unobsery'd his sighs may heave,
Silent may his tears descend ;

Will none such agony relieve ?
No one prove the Negro's friend?

If by age and sorrow hoary,
His food may yet be angels' bread ;

For him a Saviour left His glory,—
For him a dear Bedeemer bled.

Oh ! may the Gbspel's joyful sound.
Hours of grief and labour cheer ;

Religion's holy flame be found.
To smooth the chain he still must wear

Bereft of every earthly joy,

Hope, sweetly rise to things above,

Where no distracting cares annoy,
Where all is harmony and love."

^©

M itf
y«it fvoA.

r
(

%, tfriimb to tjre jKep.

.^,

FM? E

^logriqdntiil llttttjiis if iil&ititos or t{im p^

"To li^vxed AfHc*, lib«ral reader tun,
There from her fable tons this maxim learn;
To no complezion ie the chaim oonflned,
In erery dhnafte growt the virtooiu mind.**

" Ab AChiope Tirtntem diiee, et ne oiede color!.**— From the
Ethiopian learn Tirtoe, and tmst not to oolonr.

/ {

tSKi!»

A TRIBUTE FOR THE NEGRO.

^art Inonit.

BIOGBAPHICAL SKETCHES OF AFBICANS OB THEIB

DESCENDANTS, 4c.

" Tratb, by Its own sinews shall prerall;
And in the ooone of HeAven's erolTing plan.
By rnuTH m adb vmn the long scorned African,—
Bis Maker's image radiant in his faoe,~
Among earth's noblest sons shall find his place."

The false philosophy which has imparted to the Negro
a constitutional inferiority^ must^ as I have observed^
henceforth, be refuted, more by facts and experience, than
by reasoning. The remaining portion of the present
volume is occupied with a variety of such facts ; consisting
of a series of Biographical Sketches of Africans or their
Descendants, with Testimonies of Travellers, Missionaries,
&c., as to their real character and capabilities. These
exhibit aki undoubted refutation of those unfounded
calumnies, whicK have been heaped upon the unfortunate
race of Africa.

In making a selection of a few out of the numberless
instances that might have been produced, equally forcible,
jthe Author may observe, that he has been more thoroughly
impressed with the truth of an equality in the various races of
mankind the further he has proceeded in the investigation of
the subject. Renewed evidence has been afforded him in
carefully surveying a great variety of cases, that the African
character is susceptible of all the finest feelings of our
nature, and that the intellectual capacity of the Negro,
imder circumstances more favourable than have generally

a €iaMt fas tjit Mt^ca.

fallen to his lot, would bear a compaxison with that, of any
other portion of our species.

OLAVDAE SQVIAKO; OB eVBTAYVB VA88A.

The following brief sketch of the life of Giistavus Yassai
or Olaudah Equiano, the name by which he was known in
his native country on the coast of Africa, is condensed &om
from various editions of his ** Narrative/' a small octavo
volimie of 850 pages, written b; himself about the year
1787, exhibiting in its composition considerable talent.
*' The individual is to be pitied," says the Abbe Gregoire,
** who, after having read the memoir of Yassa, does not
feel for the author, sentiments of affection and esteem."

This intelligent Negro dedicated his ^'Narrative" to
the British Houses of Parliament in the following terms : —

*' To the Lards Spiritual and Temporal^ and the Commons
of the Parliament of Great Britain*

''My Lords and Gentlemen,

''Permit me, with the greatest deference and respect, to
lay at your feet the following genuine narrative ; the chief
design of which is to excite in your august assemblies a
sense of compassion for the miseries which the Slave Trade
has entailed on my unfortunate countrymen. By the horrors
of that trade, was I first torn away from all the tender con-
nexions that were naturally dear to my heart ; but these,
through the mysterious ways of Providence, I ought to
regard as infinitely more than compensated by the intro-
duction I have thence obtained to the knowledge of the
Christian religion, and of a nation which, by its liberal ^^^
sentiments, its humanity, the glorious freedom of its
government, and its proficiency in arts and sciences, has
exalted the dignity of human nature.

a €n\ask for tjit ^fgrn.

I am sensible I ought to entreat your pardon for address*
ing to you a work so wholly devoid of literary merit ; but,
as the production of an unlettered African, who is actuated
by the hope of becoming an instrument towards the relief
of his suffering countrymen, I trust that sueh a man^
pleading in stich a cause will be acquitted of boldness and
presumption.

" May the God of Heaven inspire your hearts with pe-
culiar benevolence on that important day when the question
of Abolition is to be discussed, when thousands, in conse-
quence of your decision, are to look for Happiness or
Misery!

" I am,

"My Lords and Gentlemen,

" Your most Obedient,
" And devoted humble Servant,
" Olaudah Equiano, or Gustavus Vassa."

<< No. 4, Taylor's Buildings,
" St. Martin's Lane,

"October 80, 1790."

" I believe it is difficult," writes this intelligent Negro,
** for those who publish their own memoirs, to escape the
imputation of vanity ; nor is this the only disadvantage
under which they labour: it is also their misfortune, that
whatever is uncommon, is rarely, if ever, believed, and
what is obvious, the reader is apt to turn from with
disgust, and to charge the writer with impertinence. Those
memoirs only are thought worthy to be read or remembered
which abound in great or striking events ; those in short,
which in a high degree excite either admiration or pity :
nearly all others are consigned to contempt and oblivion.
It is, therefore, I confess, not a little hazardous in a private
and obscure individual, and a stranger too, thus to solicit
the indulgent attention of the public, especially when I

% €xMt fat till jUrp.

own that I offer here, the histoiy of neither a saint, a hero,
nor a tyrant. I belieye there are few events in my life
which have not happened to many, but when I compare
my lot with that of most of my countrymen, I acknow-
ledge the mercies of Providence in every occurrence of
my life.

If then, the following Narrative does not prove sufficiently
interesting to engage general attention, let my motive be
some excuse for its publication. I am not so foolishly
vain, as to expect from it either immortality or literary
reputation. Kit affords any satbfaction to my numerous
friends, at whose request it has been written, or in the
smallest degree promotes the interests of humanity, the end
for which it was undertaken will be fully attained, and
every wish of my heart gratified. Let it therefore be
remembered, that in wishing to avoid censure, I do not
aspire to praise.

That part of Afirica known by the name of Guinea, in
which the trade for Slaves is carried on, extends along the
coast above 3400 miles, firom Senegal to Angola, and
includes a variety of kingdoms. Of these, the most con*
siderable is the kingdom of Benin, both as to extent and
wealth, the richness and cultivation of the soil, the power
of its king, and the number and warlike disposition of the
inhabitants. It is situated nearly under the line, and
extends along the coast about 170 miles, but runs back
into the interior part of Africa to a distance hitherto, I
believe, unexplored by any traveller ; and seems only ter-
minated by the empire of Abyssinia, nearly 1500 miles
firom its first boundaries. In a charming and firuitful vale,
called Essaka, in one of the most remote and fertile pro-
vinces of this kingdom, I was bom in the year 1745.

As our country is one in which nature is prodigal of her
favours, our wants, which are few, are easily supplied. All
our industry is turned to the improvement of those bless-
sings, and we are habituated to labour from our early

^^<,

a ^rihittt fiir tljt Jltgra.

years ; and by this means we have no beggars. Our
houses never exceed one story, and are built of wood,
thatched with reeds ; and the floors are generally covered
with mats. The dress of both races consists of a long piece
of calico or muslin, wrapped loosely round the body ; our
beds are also covered with the same cloth.

The land is uncommonly rich and fruitful, and produces
vegetables in abundance, and a variety of delicious fruits ;
also Indian com, cotton, and tobacco. Our meat consists
of cattle, goats, and poultry. The ceremony of washing
before eating is strictly enjoined, and cleanliness is considered
a part of the religion. The people believe there is one
Creator of all things, and that He governs all events.

My father being a man of rank, had a numerous family :
his children consisted of one daughter, and several sons, of
whom I was the youngest, my name being OlaudahEquiano.
I generally attended my mother, who took great pains
in forming my mind, and training me to exercise. In this
way I grew up to about the eleventh year of my age, when
an end was put to my happiness in die following manner :

One day, when our people were gone to their work,
and only my dear sister and myself were left to watch the
house, two men and a woman came, and seizing us both,
stopped our mouths that we should not make a noise, ran
off with us into the woods, where they tied our hands,
and took us some distance to a small house, where the
robbers halted for refreshment and spent the night. We
were then unbound, but were unable to take any food,
and being quite overpowered by fatigue and grief, our
only relief was some sleep, which allayed our misfortune
for a short time. The next morning, after keeping the
woods some distance, we came to an opening, where we
saw some people at work. I began to cry out for their
assistance, but my cries had no other effect than to make
them tie us faster, and again stop our mouths, and they
put us into a sack until we got out of sight of these people.

31 €n\aAt for t^ jltgrn.

When they offered us food^ we could not eat, often bathing
each other in tears. Our only respite was sleep — but
alas! even the privilege of weeping together was soon
denied us. The next day proved a day of greater sorrow
than I had yet experienced, for my sister and I were torn
asunder while clasped in each other's arms : it was in vain
that we besought them not to part us ; she was torn from
me, and immediately carried away, while I was left in a
state of distraction not to be described. I wept and
grieved continually, and for several days did not eat any-
thing but what they forced into my mouth.

After travelling a great distance, suffering many hard-
ships, and being sold several times, — one evening, to my
surprise, my dear sister was brought to the same house.
As soon as she saw me, she gave a loud shriek and ran
into my anns : I was quite overpowered ; — ^neither of us
could speak, but for a considerable time clung to each
other in mutual embraces, unable to do anything but weep.
When the people were told that we were brother and sister,
they indulged us with being together, and one of the men
at night lay between us, and allowed us to hold each other's
hand across him. Thus, for a while we forgot our misfor-
tunes in the joy of being together ; but even this small
comfort was soon to have an end, for scarcely had the
fatal morning appeared, when she was torn from me for
ever ! for I never saw her more !

I was now more miserable, if possible, than before. The
small relief which her presence gave me from pain was
gone, and the wretchedness of my situation was redoubled
by my anxiety after her fate, and my apprehension lest her
sufferings should be greater than mine, when I could not
be with her to alleviate them. Yes ; thou dear partner of
all my childish sports ! thou sharer of my joys and sorrows !
happy should I have ever esteemed myself, to encounter
every misery for you, and to procure your freedom by
the sacrifice of my own ! Though you were early forced

-'{-

a ^riknti for tju Mt^u.

^^7 from my arms, your image has been always rivetted in my

heart, from which neither time Tior fortune have been able to
remove it : so that, while the thoughts of your sufferings
have damped my prosperity, they have mingled with adver-
sity, and increased its bitterness* To that Heaven which
protects the weak from the strong, I commit the care of
your innocence and virtues, if they have not already
received their full reward, and if your youth and delicacy
have not long since fallen victims to the violence of the
African trader, the pestilential stench of a Guinea ship,
the seasoning in the European colonies, or the lash and
lust of a brutal and unrelenting overseer.

At length, after many days' travelling, during which I
had often changed masters, although I was many days*
journey from my father's house, I attempted to escape.
The whole neighbourhood was raised in the pursuit of me.
In that part of the country, the houses and villages were
skirted with woods, or shrubberies, and the. bushes were
so thick that a man could readily conceal himself in them,
so as to elude the strictest search. The neighbours con-
tinued the whole day looking for me, and several times
many of them came within a few yards of the place where
I lay hid. I expected every moment, when I heard a
rustling among the trees, to be found out and punished ;
but they never discovered me, though they were often so
near that I even heard their conjectures as they were
looking about for me ; and I now learned from them, that
any attempt to return home would be hopeless. Most of
them supposed I had fled towards home ; but the distance
was so great, and the way so intricate, that they thought I
could never reach it, and that I should be lost in the
woods. When I heard this, I was seized with a violent
panic, and abandoned myself to despair. Night, too, began
to approach, and aggravated all my fears, for I became
alarmed with the idea of being devoured by wild beasts.
I had before entertained hopes of getting home, and had

% €xMt fin; % 3lip,

determined when it should be dark to make the attempt ;
but I was now convinced it was fruitless^ and began to
consider, that, if possibly I could escape all other animals,
I could not those of the human kind, and that, not know-
ing the way, I must perish in the woods. Thus was I like
the hunted deer :

" Erery leaf, and erery whispering breath

Oonyey'd a foe, and every foe a death."

The horror of my situation became quite insupportable.
I at length quitted the thicket, and with trembling steps,
and a sad heart, returned to my master's house, and crept
into his kitchen, which was an open shed, laying myself
down with an anxious wish for death to relieve me from all
my pains. I was scarcely awake in the morning before I was
discovered, and being closely reprimanded by my master,
I was soon sold again.

I was now carried to the left of the sun*s rising, through
many dreary wastes and dismal woods, amidst the hideous
roarings of wild beasts. The people I was sold to used to
carry me very often either on their shoulders or their
backs. All the people I had hitherto seen resembled my
own nation, and having learned a little of several lan«
guages, I could imderstand them pretty well : but now
after six or seven months had passed away from the time I
was kidnapped, I arrived at the sea coast, and I beheld that
element, which before I had no idea of. It also made me
acquainted with such cruelties as I can never reflect upon
but with horror. The first object that met my sight was
a Slave-ship riding at anchor, waiting for her cargo ! I
was filled with astonishment, which was soon converted
into terror which IlBun quite at a loss to describe.

When I was taken on board, being roughly handled
and closely examined by these men, whose complexion
and language differed so much from any I had seen or
heard before, I apprehended I had got into a world of bad

3i €xMt fat tjit jUigrn.

spirits. When I looked round the ship, too, and saw
a multitude of Black people of all descriptions chained
together, every one of their countenances expressing
dejection and sorrow, I no longer doubted my fate^
and being quite overpowered with horror and anguish, I
feU motionless on the deck and fainted. When I revived
a little, the horrible faces of the White men frightened me
again exceedingly. But I had not time to think much
about it before I was, with many of my poor country
people, put imder deck in a loathsome and horrible place.
In this situation we wished for death, and sometimes refused
to eat ; and for this we were beaten. Such were now my
horrors and fears, that if ten thousand worlds had been my
own, I would have freely parted with them all to have
exchanged my condition with that of the meanest Slave in
my own country.

After enduring more hardships than I can relate, we
arrived at Barbadoes. When taken on shore, we were
put into a pen like so many beasts, and from thence sold
and separated, — ^husbands and wives, parents, and children,
brothers and sisters, without any distinction. Their cries
excited some compassion in the hearts of those who were
capable of feeling ; but others seemed to feel no remorse,
though the scene was so affecting.

On a signal given, (the beat of a drum), the buyers
rush at once into the yard where the Slaves are confined,
and make choice of those they like best. The noise and
clamour with which this is attended, and the eagerness visible
in the countenances of the buyers, serve not a little to
increase the apprehension of the terrified African, who
may well be supposed to consider them as the ministers of
that destruction to which they think themselves devoted.
In this manner, without scruple, are relations and friends
separated, most of them never to see each other again. I
remember in the vessel in which I was brought over, in
the men's apartment there were several brothers, who, in

*TP

a €nMi fat % Jtgnr.

the sale were sold in different lots ; and it was very moving
on this occasion to sec and hear their cries at parting.

O, ye nominal Christians ! might not an African ask you,
learned you this from your God, who says unto you, " Do
unto all men as you would they should do unto you ?" Is
it not enough that we are torn from our country and friends
to toil for your luxury and lust of gain ? Must every tender
feeling be likewise sacrificed to your avarice ? Axe the
dearest friends and relations, now rendered more dear by
their separation from their kindred, still to be parted from
each other, and thus be prevented from cheering the gloom
of Slavery, with the small comfort of being tc^ether and
mingling their sufferings and sorrows ? Why are parents
to lose their children, brothers their sisters, or husbands
their wives ? Sxurely this is a new refinement in cruelty,
which, while it has no advantage to atone for it, thus aggra-
vates distress, and adds fresh horrors even to the wretched-
ness of Slavery ?

I was, with some others, sent to America. When we
arrived at Virginia we were also sold and separated. I now
totally lost the small remains of comfort I had enjoyed in
conversing with my countrymen ; the women too, who used
to wash and take care of me, were all gone different ways,
and I never saw one of them afterwards.

Not long after this, Captain Pascal, coming to my master's,
purchased me, and sent me on board his ship called the
Industrious Bee. I had not yet learned much of the
English language, so that I could not understand their
conversation. I wanted to know as well as I could where
we were going. Some of the people of the ship used to tell
me they were going to carry me back to my own country,
and this made me very happy. I was quite rejoiced at the
idea of going back ; but I was reserved for another fate,
and was soon undeceived when we came within sight of the
English coast. It was on board this ship that I received
the name of Gustavus Vassa.

I !

a ^rilrate &r % jUjgni.

201

There was on board this ship a young kd, Richard Baker,
an American, who had received an excellent education, and
was of a most amiable temper. Soon after I went on board
he shewed me a great deal of partiality and attention, and
in return, I grew extremely fond of him. We at length
became inseparable, and for the space of two years he was
of yery great use to me, being my constant companion
and instructor* Such friendship was cemented between us
as we cherished till his death, which, to my very great
sorrow, happened in 1759, in the Archipelago, on board
his Majesty's ship Preston ; an event which I have never
ceased to regret, as I lost at once a kind interpreter, an
agreeable companion, and a faithful friend, who, at the age
of fifteen, discovered a mind superior to prejudice, and
who was not ashamed to notice, to associate with, and to be
the friend and instructor, of one who was ignorant, a
stranger, of a different complexion, and a Slave I

In the summer of 1757, I was taken by a press-gang,
and carried on board a man-of-war. After passing about
a year in this service, on the coast of France and in America,
on my return to England I received much kindness, and
was sent to school, where I learned to read and write. I
could now speak English tolerably well, and I perfectly
understood everything that was said. I not only felt myself
quite easy with these new countrymen, but relished their
society and manners. I looked upon them as men superior
to us, and I had a strong desire to resemble them, to
imbibe their spirit, and imitate their manners ; I therefore
embraced every occasion of improvement, and every new
thing I observed I treasured up in my mind. Shortly after
my arrival in England, my master sent me to wait upon
the Miss Guerins, who had treated me with much kindness
before. They often used to teach me to read, and took
great pains to instruct me in the principles of religion, and
at the same time gave me a book called '* A Gruide to the
Indians," written by the Bishop of Sodor and Man.

a ^rihitti for tjit jifgrn.

My master receiving the office of lieutenant on board the
Namur, he took me with him up the Mediterranean. I ^ ^^'^^
parted from my kind patronesses, the Miss Guerins, with
reluctance, and after receiving from them many friendly
cautions how to conduct myself, and some valuable pre-
sents, I took leave of them with uneasiness and regret.
My desire for learning induced some of my shipmates to
instruct me, so that I could read the Bible ; and one of
them, a sober man, explained many passages to me.

[I am already making more full extracts from the Narra-
tive of Gustavus Yassa than I at first intended, but must
now pass over much that is interesting. A few remarks
made by this enlightened and intelligent Negro, in record-
ing some providential deliverances, I cannot omit]

In these, and in many more instances, says Vassa, I thought
I could plainly trace the hand of God, without whose per-
mission a sparrow cannot fall. I began to raise my fear
from man to Him alone, and to call daily on his holy name
with fear and reverence, and I trust He heard my supplica-
tions, and graciously condescended to answer me according
to His Holy Word, and to implant the seeds of piety in
me, even one of the meanest of His creatures.

As I had now served my master faithfully several years,
and his kindness had given me hopes that he would grant
my freedom, when we arrived in England I ventured to
tell him so ; but he was offended, for he had determined
on sending me to the "West Indies. Accordingly, at the
close of the year 1762, finding a vessel bound diither, he
took me on board, and gave me in charge to the captain.
I endeavoured to expostulate with him by telling him he
had received my wages, and all my prize money ; but it
was to no purpose. Taking my only coat from my back,
he went off in his boat. I followed them with aching eyes,
and a heart ready to burst with grief, till they were
out of sight.

<|pi?

r '-

% €xMt ht tin JIfgrn-

ThuBy at the moment that I expected all my toils to end,
I was plunged, as I supposed, into anew Slavery ; in com-
parison of which, all my service had hitherto been perfect
freedom; whose horrors, always present in my mind,
now rushed on it with tenfold aggravation. I wept very
bitterly for some time, and began to think that I must
have done something to displease the Lord, that He thus
punished me so severely. This filled me with painful
reflections on my past conduct ; I recollected that on the
morning of our arrival at Deptford, I had rashly sworn
that as soon as we reached London I would spend the day
in rambling and sport. My conscience smote me for this
unguarded expression : I felt that tlie Lord was able to
disappoint me in all things, and immediately considered my
present situation as a judgment of Heaven, on account of
my presumption in swearing. I therefore acknowledged,
with contrition of heart, my transgression to God, and
poured out my soul before Him with unfeigned repentance ;
and with earnest supplications I besought Him not to
abandon me in my distress, nor cast me from His mercy
for ever. In a little time, my grief, spent with its own
violence, began to subside ; and after the first confusion of
my thoughts was over, I reflected with more calmness on
my present condition. I considered that trials and disap-
pointments are sometimes for our good, and I thought God
might perhaps have permitted this, in order to teach me
wisdom and resignation ; for he had hitherto shadowed me
with the wings of His mercy, and by His invisible, but
powerful hand, brought me by a way I knew not. These
reflections gave me a little comfort, and I rose at last from
the deck with dejection and sorrow in my countenance,
yet mixed with some faint hope that the Lord would
appear for my deliverance.

[Before the vessel saOed, it waited some days off Ports-
mouth for the West India convoy ; and whilst there, Gus-
tavus Vassa tried every means of escaping to land he could

-j^

a €xMt fer tliB Mt^u.

devise, but all in yain. On the last day but one of 176£y
the Eolus frigate, which was to escort the convoy, made a
signal for sailing.]

What tumultuous emotions agitated my soul, continues
Yassa, when the convoy got under sail, and I a prisoner
on board, now without a hope ! I kept my eyes upon the
land in a state of unutterable grief, not knowing what to
do, and despairing how to help myself. While my mind was
in this situation, the fleet sailed on, and I lost sight of land.
In the first expression of my grief I reproached my fate, and
wished I had never been bom. I was ready to curse the
tide that bore us, the gale that wafted my prison, and
even the ship that conducted us ; and I called on death
to relieve me from the horrors I felt, and desired that I
might be in that place —

" Where Slayes are firee and men oppress no more.
— ^Fool that I was, inured so long to pain,
To trust to hope, or dream of joy again.
Now dragg'd onoe more beyond the western main,
To groan beneath some dastard planter's chain ;
Where my poor countrymen in bondage wait
The long enfranchisement of lingering fiite :
Hard lingering &te ! while, ere the dawn of day.
Boused by the lash, they go their cheerless way ;
And as their souls with shame and anguish burn.
Salute with groans unwelcome mom's return,
And, chiding every hour the slow-paced sun,
Pursue their toils till all his race is run.
No eye to mark their sufferings with a tear :
No friend to comfort, and no hope to cheer :
Then, like the dull unpitied brutes, repair
To stalls as wretohed, and as coarse a fare ;
Thank HeaVn, one day of misery was o*er.
Then sink to sleep, and wish to wake no more."

•

The turbulence of my emotions, however, naturally gave
way to calmer thoughts, and I soon perceived that what fate
had decreed, no mortal on earth could prevent. The captain,
whose name was Doran, treated me very kindly, but we had a
tempestuous voyage. On the 13 th of February, 1763, from

1 1

a ^tilrab fiir tjn Mt^u.

the mast head^ we descried our destined island^ Montserrat :
and soon after I beheld those

^ Begions of sorrow, dolefiil sliadeB, where peace
And reet can rarely dwelL Hope nerer comes
That comes to all, but torture without end."

At the sight of this land of bondage^ a fresh horror ran
through all my frame, and chilled me to the heart* My
former Slavery now rose in dreadful review before my
mind, and displayed nothing but misery, stripes, and chains ;
and, in the first paroxysm of my grief, I called upon God*s
thunder, and His avenging power, to direct the stroke of
death to me, rather than permit me to become a Slave again,
and be sold from lord to lord.

When the ship had discharged her cargo, and was ready
for sailing again. Captain Doran sent for me ashore, and
I was told by the messenger that my fate was determined.
With trembling steps and faltering heart I came to the
captain, and foimd him with one Mr. Robert King, a
Quaker, the first merchant of the place. After telling
me the charge he had to get me a good master, he said he
had got me one of the best on the island. Mr. Xing also
said he had bought me on account of my good character,
(to maintain which I found to be of great importance,) and
that his home was in Philadelphia, where he expected soon
to go ; and he did not intend to treat me hard. He asked
me what I could do, and said, as I imderstood something
3of the rules of arithmetic, he would put me to school, and
fit me for a clerk.*

I soon found that my master fully deserved the good
character which Captain Doran had given me of him. He
possessed a most amiable disposition, and was very chari-
table and humane. He treated his Slaves better than any
other man on the island, so he was better and more faith-

* The Society of Friends hare long renounced the holding of Slayes,
which is entirely prohibited by their roles.

a €xMt fst tjit Slip.

fully served by them in return. In passing about the
different estates on the island, I had an opportunity of
seeing the dreadful usage and wretched situation of the poor
Slaves, and it reconciled me to my condition, and made me
thankful and bless God for being placed with so kind a
master. He was several times offered one hundred guineas
for me, but to my great joy, he would not sell me.

Having obtained three pence, I began a little trade, and
soon gained a dollar, then more ; with this I bought a
Bible. Going in a vessel of my master's to Geoigia and
Charleston, a small venture I took, answered on my return
a very good purpose. In 1765, my master prepared for
going to Philadelphia. With his crediting me for some
articles, and the little stock of my own, I laid in consider-
able, which elated me much ; and I told him I hoped I
should soon obtain enough to purchase my freedom, which
he promised me I should have when I could pay him what
he gave for me.

With my kind master and captain's indulgence, and my
own indefatigable industry and economy, I obtained the
sum required for my Uberty. So, one morning while they
were at breakfast, I ventiu*ed to remind my master of what
he promised, and to tell him I had got the money, at which
he seemed surprised. The captain told him I had come
honestly by it, and he must now fulfil his promise. My
master then told me to go to the Secretary at the Register
Office and get my manumission drawn, and he would sign
it. These words of my master were like heaven to me :
in an instant all my trepidation was turned into unutterable
bliss ; and I most reverently bowed myself with gratitude,
unable to express my feelings, but by the overflowing of
tears, and a heart replete with thanks to God. As soon as
the first transports of my joy were over, and I had ex-
pressed my thanks in the best manner I was able, I rose
with a heart full of affection and reverence, and left the
room, in order to obey my master's joyful mandate of going

% '^xMt for tjn Mt^n.

to the Register Office. As I was leaving the house I called
to mind the words of the Psalmist, in the lS6th Psalm,
and like him, ** I glorified God in my heart, in whom I
trusted." These words had been impressed on my mind
from the very day I was forced from Deptford to the pre-
sent hour, and I now saw them, as I thought, fulfilled and
verified. My imagination was all rapture as I flew to the
Register Office ; and in this respect, like the apostle Peter,
(whose deliverance from prison was so sudden and extraor-
dinary, that he thought he was in a vision) I could scarcely
believe I was awake. Heavens ! who could do justice to
my feelings at this moment ? Not conquering heroes them-
selves, in the midst of a triumph — ^not the tender mother
who has just regained her long-lost infant, and presses it
to her heart ! All within my breast was tumult, wildness,
and delirium ! My feet scarcely touched the groimd, for
they were winged with joy, and, like Elijah, as he rose to
Heaven, they " were with lightning sped as I went on ! "
Eveiy one I met I told of my happiness, and blazed about
the virtues of my amiable master and captain.

The Registrar signed the manumission that day ; so that,
before night, I who had been a Slave in the morning,
trembling at the wiU of another, was become my own
master, and completely free. I thought this was the
happiest day I had ever experienced ; and my joy was still
heightened by the blessings and prayers of many of the
Sable race, particularly the aged, to whom my heart had
ever been attached with reverence.

Having obtained my freedom, my heart was now fixed
on London, where I hoped to be ere long ; but my master
and Captain Doran entreated me not to leave them. Here,
gratitude bowed me down and induced me to remain.
None but the generous mind can judge of my feelings,
struggling between inclination and duty. I entered as a
sailor on one of Mr. King's vessels, with the intention of
making a voyage or two, entirely to please my honoured

% €xMt fin; % Jltgra.

patrons ; but I determined that the year following, if it
pleased God^ I would see Old England once more.

Our first voyage was to Montserrat* When we were
preparing to return, and were taking some cattle onboard,
one of them ran at the captain, and butted him so furiously
in the breast that he never recovered the blow. He was
so affected that he was unable to do duty, and he died
before we reached our port. This was a heavy stroke to
me, for he had been my true friend ; and I loved him as a
father. The whole care of the vessel now rested upon me.
In the course of nine or ten days, we made the island of
Antigua, and the day after, we came safe to Montserrat.
Many were surprised when they heard of my conducting
the sloop into the port, and I now obtained a new appella-
tion, and was called Captain. This elated me not a little,
and it was quite flattering to my vanity, to be thus styled
by as high a title as any free man in this place possessed.

As I had now, by the death of my captain, lost my
great benefactor and friend, I had little inducement to
remain longer in the West Indies, except firom gratitude to
Mr. King, which I thought I had pretty well discharged
in bringing back his vessel safe, and delivering his cargo to
his satisfaction. I began to think of leaving this part of
the world, of which I had been long tired, and returning
to England, where my heart had always been ; but Mr.
King still pressed me very much to stay with his vessel,
and he had done so much for me, that I found m3r8elf
unable to refuse his requests, and consented to go another
voyage to Georgia, as the mate from his ill state of health,
was quite useless in the vessel.

Accordingly a new captain was appointed, and having
refitted our vessel, we sailed for Georgia ; but steering a
more westerly course than usual, we soon got on the
Bahama banks, where our vessel was wrecked, but no
lives lost. Getting on one of the islands, with some salt
provision we had saved, we remained there many days, and

i^Py

a ^rilntte firr tjit jltgni.

suffered much for want of fresh water. When we were
almost famished with hunger and thirsty we were founds
and carried to New Providence, where we were kindly
treated. From thence we were taken to Sayannah, so to
Martinico, and to Montserrat, having been absent about
sixmonthsy during which I had more than once experienced
the delivering hand of Providence, when all human means
of escaping destruction seemed hopeless. I saw my friends
with a gladness of heart which was increased by my absence
and the dangers I had escaped, and I was received with
great friendship by them all, but particularly by Mr. King,
to whom I related the various hardships we had encoun-
tered, and the loss of his sloop, with the cause of her being
wrecked. When I told him I intended to go to London
that season, and that I had come to visit him before my
departure, the good man expressed a great deal of affection
for me, and sorrow that I should leave him. I thanked
him for his friendship, but as I wished veiy much to be in
London, I declined remaining any longer there, and begged
he would excuse me. I then requested he would be kind
enough to give me a certificate of my behaviour while in
his service, which he very readily complied with, and gave
me the following : —

*' To all to whom this may concern.

" The bearer hereof, Giistavus Yassa, was my Slave up-
wards of three years ; during which time he has always
behaved lymself well, and discharged his duty with honesty

and assiduity.*'

" R. KING."

Having obtained this, I parted from my kind master,
after many sincere professions of gratitude and regard, and
prepared for my departure to London. Having agreed
for my passage, I took leave of all my friends, and
embarked, exceedingly glad to see myself once more on
board a ship, steering the course I had long wished for.

^a^

a €xMi fcr % 5Sfgni-

With a light heart I bade Montserrat farewell ; and with
it, I bade adieu to the sound of the cruel whip^ and all
other dreadful instruments of torture ; and adieu to op-
pressions^ although to me, less severe than to most of my
countrymen. I wished for a grateful and thankful heart
to praise the Lord God on high for all his mercies ! In this
ecstacy I steered the ship all night.

We had a most prosperous voyage^ and at the end of
seven weeks my longing eyes were once more gratified with
a sight of London, after having been absent from it above
four years. I immediately received my wages, and I had
never earned seven guineas so quickly in my life before. I
had thirty-seven guineas in all when I got clear of the ship.
I now entered upon a scene quite new to me, but full of
hope. I set my mind on getting more learning, and at-
tended school diligently. My money not being sufficient,
I hired myself to service awhile ; but having a desire to go
into the Mediterranean, I engaged on board a ship, where
the mate taught me navigation.

In the spring of 1773, an expedition was fitted out to
explore a north-west passage to India, conducted by the
Honourable Constantine John Phipps, since Lord Mul-
grave, in "his Majesty's sloop of war the Race Horse. Dr.
Irving being anxious for the reputation of this adventure,
concluded to go, and I accompanied him. I attended him
on board the Race Horse, the S4th of May, 1778, and we
proceeded to Sheemess, where we were joined by his Ma^
jesty*s sloop the Carcass, commanded by CaptaiifLutwidge,
and on the 25th of the same month we were off Shedand.
On the 20th of Jime, we began to use Dr. Irviug's appara-
tus for making salt water fresh ; I used to attend the dis-
tillery, and frequently purified from SO to 40 gallons a day.
The water thus distilled was perfectly pure, well tasted,
and free from salt, and was used on various occasions on
board the ship. On the S8th we reached Greenland, where
I was surprised to find the sun did not set. The weather

a €tMt fiir tin Jligra.

now became extremely cold^ and we saw many veiy high
and curious mountains of ice ; and also a great number of
very large whales^ which used to come close to oiu: ship^
and spout the water up to a very great height in the air.
On the d9th and 30th of July, we saw one continued plain
of smooth unbroken ice, bounded only by the horizon ; and
we fastened to a piece of ice that was eight yards eleven
inches thick. We had generally sunshine, and constant
daylight, which gave cheerfulness and novelty to the whole
of this striking, grand, and uncommon scene; and, to
heighten it still more, the reflection of the sun from the ice
gave the clouds a most beautiful appearance. We remained
here till the 1st of August, when the two ships got com-
pletely fastened by the loose ice that set in from the sea.
This made our situation very dreadful and alarming ; so
that on the seventh day we were in great apprehension of
having the ships squeezed to pieces. The officers now held
a council to know what was best to be done in order to
save our lives. Our deplorable condition, which kept up
the constant apprehension of our perishing in the ice,
brought me gradually to think of eternity in such a manner
as I had never done before, having the fear of death hourly
upon me. Owe appearance became truly lamentable ; pale
dejection seized every countenance ; many, who had been
blasphemers before, in this our distress began to call on
the good God of Heaven for his help ; and in the time
of our utter need he heard us, and against hope or human
probabilijir} delivered us ! In this perilous situation we
remained eleven days, when the weather becoming more
mild, and the wind changing, the ice gave way ; and in
about thirty hours, with hard labour, we got into open
water, to our infinite joy and gladness of heart.

On the 19th of August, we sailed from this uninhabited
extremity of the world, where the inhospitable climate
affords neither food nor shelter, and not a tree or shrub of
any kind grows among its barren rocks; but all is one

a €tMt fiit tjn jligra.

desolate and expanded field of ice, which even the constant
beams of the sun for six months in the year cannot pene-
trate or dissolve.

We arrived at Deptford on the SOth, and thus ended our
Arctic voyage, to the no small joy of all on board, after
having been absent four months ; in which time, at the im-
minent hazard of our lives, we explored nearly as far
towards the Pole as 81^ north, and 20^ east longitude;
being much further than any navigator had ever ventured
before ; in which we fully proved the impracticability of
finding a passage that way to India.

Our voyage to the North Pole being ended, I returned
to London with Dr. Irving, with whom I continued for
some time, during which I began seriously to reflect on the
many dangers I had escaped, particularly those of my last
voyage, which made a lasting impression on my mind ; and
which, by the grace of God, proved afterwards a mercy to
me : causing me to reflect deeply on my eternal state, and
to seek the Lord with full purpose of heart, ere it was too
late. I rejoiced greatly ; and heartily thanked the Lord
for directing me to London, where I was determined to
work out my own salvation, and in so doing, procure a
title to heaven. I used every means for this purpose, but
not being able to find any person that would show me any
good, I was much dejected, and knew not where to seek
relief. The only comfort I experienced was in reading the
Holy Scriptures, where I saw that what was appointed for
me I must submit to.

Still, I continued to travel in much heaviness, and fre-
quently murmured against the Almighty; and, awful to
think, I began to blaspheme ! In tiiese severe conflicts,
the Lord was pleased, in much mercy, to give me to see,
and in some measure to understand, the great and awful
scene of the judgment day, that no unclean person, no
unholy thing, can enter into the kingdom of God. I would
then, if it had been possible, have changed my nature with

the meanest worm on the earth ; and was ready to eaj to
the mountains and rocks, fiUI on me, but in vain. In the
greatest agony, I prayed to the Divine Creator, that he
would grant me time to repent of my follies and vile
iniquities, which I felt were grievous ; and in His nmnifold
mercies. He was pleased to grant my request, and the sense
of His mercies was great on my mind. This was the first
spiritual mercy I ever was sensible of; I invoked Heaven
from my inmost soul, and fervently beg^d that God would
never again permit me to blaspheme His most holy name.
The Lord, who is long-suffering, and full of compassion to
such poor rebels as we are, condescended to hear and
answer. I felt that I was altogether unholy, and saw
clearly what a wicked use I had made of the faculties with
which I was endowed, and which were given me to glorify
God. I prayed to be directed, if there were any holier
persons than th<»e with whom I was acquainted, that the
Lord would point them out to me. I appealed to the
searcher of hearts, whether I did not wish to love him
more, and serve him better. Notwithstanding all thb, the
reader may easily discern, that if a believer, I was still in
nature's darkness. At length I hated the house in which I
lodged, because God's most holy name was blasphemed in
it; then I saw the word of God verified, " Before they
call, I will answer ; and while they are yet speaking, I
will hear."

I had a great desire to read the Bible the whole day at
home ; but not having a convenient place for retirement, I
left the house in the day, rather than stay amongst the
wicked ones ; and as I was walking, it pleased God to
direct me to a house, where there was an old sea-faring
man, who had experienced much of the love of God shed
abroad in his heart. He began to discourse with me, and,
as I desired to love the Lord, his conversation rejoiced me
greatly ; and indeed I had never before heard the love of
Christ to believers set forth in such a manner, and in so

% €xMt fiit tjit jlfgni.

clear a point of view. Here I had more questions to put
to the man than his time would permit him to answer :
and in that memorable hour there came in a dissenting
minister ; he joined in our discourse^ and asked me some
few questions, inviting me to a love-feast that evening,
which offer I accepted, and thanked him. After he went
away, I had some further discourse with the old Christian,
added to some profitable reading, which made me exceed-
ingly happy. When I left him he reminded me of coming
to the feast ; I assured him I would be there. Thus we
parted, and I weighed over the heavenly conversation that
had passed between these two men, which cheered my then
heavy and drooping spirit more than anything I had met
with for many months. However, I thought the time long
in going to my supposed banquet. It lasted about four
hours, and ended in singing and prayer. This kind of
Christian fellowship I had never seen, nor ever thought of
seeing on earth ; it fully reminded me of what I had read
in the Holy Scriptures of the primitive Christians, who
loved each other and broke bread, partaking of it, even
from house to house. I could not but admire the good*
ness of God, in directing the blind, blasphemous sinner, into
the path that I knew not of, even among the just ; and
that instead of judgment he shewed mercy, hearing and
answering the prayers and supplications of every returning

prodigal :

'' O I to grace how great a debtor
Daily I'm constrain'd to be V*

After this, I was resolved to win Heaven if possible ; and
if I perished, I thought it should be at the feet of Jesus, in
praying to him for salvation. After having been an eye-
witness to the happiness which attended those who feared
God, I knew not liow, with any propriety, to return to my
lodgings, where the name of God was continually profaned.
I paused in my mind for some time, not knowing what to
do ; whether to hire a bed elsewhere, or go home again.

<r\<-^

a ^tihitti fiir tjit Jltgni.

At last, fearing an evil report might arise, I went home,
with a farewell to card-playing and vain jesting, &c. I saw
that time was very short, eternity long, and very near ; and
I viewed those persons alone blessed who were found
ready at midnight caD, or when the judge of all cometh.

The next day I took courage, and went to see my new

and worthy acquaintance, the old man, Mr, C ; who,

with his wife, a gracious woman, were at work weaving
silk. Their discourse was delightful and edifying. I knew
not at last how to leave them, till time summoned me
away. As I was going, they lent me a little book, entitled,
" The Conversion of an Indian," which was of great use to
me, and at that time a means of strengthening my faith ;
in parting, they both invited me to call on them when I
pleased. This delighted me, and I took care to derive all
the improvement from it I could ; and so far I thanked
God for such company and desires. I prayed that the
many evils I felt within might be done away, and that I
might be weaned from my former carnal acquaintances.
This was quickly heard and answered, and I was soon con-
nected with those whom the Scriptures call the excellent
of the earth. I heard the gospel preached, and the thoughts
of my heart and actions were laid open by the preachers,
and the way of salvation by Christ alone, was evidently set
forth. Thus I went on happily for nearly two months.

A short time after this, I went to Westminster chapel ;

the Rev. Mr. P preached from Lam. iii. 39. It

was a wonderful sermon ; he clearly shewed, that a living
man had no cause to complain for the punishment of his
sins ; he evidently justified the Lord in all his dealings
with the sons of men ; he also shewed the justice of God
in the eternal punishment of the wicked and impenitent.
The discourse afforded me much joy, intermingled with
many fears about my soul. When it was ended, I addressed
the reverend gentleman, who freely commended me to read
the Scriptures, and hear the word preached ; not to neglect

a €xMt fin; tjff Jlfgra-

fervent prayer to God^ who has promised to hear the sup-
plications of those who seek Him in godly sincerity ; so I
took my leave of him with many thanks^ and resolved to
follow his advice^ so far as the Lord would condescend to
enable me.

During this time I was out of employment, nor was I
likely to get a situation suitable for me, which obliged me
to go once more to sea. I engaged as steward of a ship
bound from London to Cadiz. In a short time after I was
on board, I heard the name of God much blasphemed. I
concluded to beg my bread on shore, rather than go again
to sea amongst a people who feared not God, and I entreated
the captain three different times to discharge me ; he would
not, but each time gave me greater and greater encourage-
ment to continue with him, and all on board shewed me
very great civility ; notwithstanding all this, I was unwilling
to embark again. At last some of my friends advised me,
saying it was my lawful calling, particularly Mr. G. S. the
governor of Tothill-fields Bridewell, who pitied my case,
and read the eleventh chapter of the Hebrews to me, with
exhortations. He prayed for me, and I believed that he
prevailed on my behalf, as my burden was then greatly
removed. The good man gave me a pocket Bible and
*' Alleine's Alarm to the Unconverted " before we parted*
Next day I went on board again. We sailed for Spain, and
I foimd favour with the captain. It was the fourth of
September when we sailed from London ; we had a delight-
ful voyage to Cadiz, where we arrived on the twenty-third.

I had many opportunities of reading the Scriptures, and
wrestled hard with God in fervent prayer, who has declared
in his blessed book that he will hear the groanings and
deep sighs of the poor in spirit, which I found verified to
my utter astonishment and comfort. In the evening, as I was
reading and meditating on the fourth chapter of the Acts,
twelfth verse, under the solemn apprehensions of eternity,
and reflecting on my past actions, I began to think I had

<t-l^'

1 ^rilrafe &r tj|i jltgrn-

217

lived a moral life, and that I had proper grounds for be*
lieving I had an interest in the diviiie favour ; but still me-
ditating on the subject, not knowing whether salvation was
to be had partly for our own good deeds, or solely as the
sovereign gift of Grod ; — ^in this deep consternation, the
Lord was pleased to break in upon my soul with his bright
beams of heavenly light ; and in an instant as it were,
removing th^ veil, and letting light into a dark place, I
saw clearly with the eye of faith the crucified Saviour
bleeding on the cross on Mount Calvary : the Scriptures
became an unsealed book, I saw myself a condemned cri-
minal under the law, which caipe ivith its full force to my
conscience. I saw the Lord Jesus Christ in his humiliation,
loaded and bearing pay reproach, sin, and shame. I then
clearly perceived that by the deeds of the law no flesh
living could be justified. I was then convinced that by the
first Adam sin came, and by the second Adam (the Lord
Jesus Christ) all that are saved must be made alive. It
was given me at that time to know what it was to be bom
again.* I saw the eighth chapter to the Romans, and the
doctrines of God's decrees, verified agreeable to his eternal,
everlasting, and unchangeable purposes. The Word of
God was sweet to my taste, yea, sweeter than honey and
the honeycomb. Christ was revealed to my soul as the
chiefest among ten thousand. These heavenly moments
were really as life to the dead, and what John calls an
earnest of the Spirit f This was indeed unspeakable, and I
firmly believe undeniable to many. Now, every leading
providential circumstance that happened to me, from the
day I was taken from my parents to that hour, was before
my view, as if it had but just then occurred. I was
sensible of the invisible hand of God, which guided and
protected me, when in truth I knew it not : still the Lord
pursued me although I slighted and disregarded it; his
mercy melted me down. When I considered my poor

* John iii- 5. f John xvi. 19, 14, &c.

a €inMt &r tju jitgrn.

wretched state I wept, seeing what a great dehtor I was to
sovereign free grace. Now, the Ethiopian was willing to
be saved by Jesus Christ, the sinner's only surety, and
also to rely on none other person or thing for salvation.
Self was obnoxious, and good works he had none, for it
is God that worketh in us both to will and to do. Oh !
the amazing things of that hour can never be told — ^it was
joy in the Holy Ghost ! I felt an astonishing change ; the
burden of sin, the gaping jaws of hell, and the fears of
death, that weighed me down before, now lost their horror;
indeed I thought death would now be the best earthly
friend I ever had. Such were my grief and joy as I be*
lieve are seldom experienced. I was bathed in tears, and
said, ^' What am I that God shoidd thus look on me the vilest
of sinners ? " I felt a deep concern for my mother and
friends, which occasioned me to pray with fresh ardour ;
and in the abyss of thought, I viewed the unconverted
people of the world in a very awful state, being without
God and without hope.

It pleased God to pour out upon me the spirit of prayer
and the grace of supplication, so that in loud acclamations
I was enabled to praise and glorify his most holy name.
When I got out of the cabin, and told some of the people
what the Lord had done for me, alas, who could understand
me or believe my report ! — None but those to whom the
arm of the Lord was revealed. I became a barbarian to them
in talking of the love of Christ : his name was to me as
ointment poured forth ; indeed it was sweet to my soul,
but to them a rock of offence. I thought my case singular.
Every hour in the day until I came to London, I much
longed to be with some to whom I could tell of the wonders
of God's love towards me, and join in prayer to Him whom
my soul loved and thirsted after. I had uncommon com-
motions within, such as few can understand. Now, the
Bible was my only companion and comfort ; I prized it
much, with many thanks to God that I could read it for

-t"

a €inMt fax % ^tgw*

myself, and was not left to be tossed about or led by man's
devices and notions. The worth of a soul cannot be told.
— May the Lord give the reader an understanding in this.
Whenever I looked into the Bible I saw things new, and
many texts were immediately applied to me with great
comfort, for I knew that to me the word of salvation was
sent. Sure I was that the Spirit which indited the word
opened my heart to receive the truth of it as it is in Jesus
— that the same Spirit enabled me to have faith in the
promises that were precious to me, and enabled me to be-
lieve to the salvation of my sold. By free grace I was
persuaded that I had a part in the first resurrection, and
was enlightened with the " light of the living."* I wished
for a man of God with whom I might converse : my soul
was like the chariots of Aminadab. f These, among others,
were the precious promises that were so powerfully applied
to me : " All things whatsoever ye shall ask in prayer,
believing, ye shall receive." " Peace I leave with you, my
peace I give unto you." I saw the blessed Redeemer to
be the fountain of life, and the well of salvation. I expe-
rienced him to be all in all ; he had brought me by a way
that I knew not, and he had made crooked paths straight.
Then in his name I set up my Ebenezer, saying, " Hitherto
he hath helped me :" and could say to the sinners about me,
behold what a Saviour I have ! Thus I was, by the teach-
ing of that all-glorious Deity, the great One in Three, and
Three in One, confirmed in the truths of the Bible, those
oracles of everlasting truth, on which every soul living
must stand or fall eternally, agreeably to the passage in
Acts, " Neither is there salvation in any other, for there is
none other name imder heaven given among men whereby
we must be saved, but only Jesus Christ." May God give
the reader a right understanding in these facts ! *' To him
that believeth, all things are possible, but to them that are
unbelieving nothing is pure. %

• Job xzxiiL 80.

t Ouitioles Ti. 12.

t Titus L 16.

% €xMt Ui % ^Fgri.

We remained at Cadiz until our ship got laden. We
sailed about the fourth of November ; and, haying a good
passage, arrived in London the month following, to my
comfort, with heartfelt gratitude to God for his rich and
unspeakable mercies.

On my return, I had but one text which puzzled me, or
that the devil endeavoured to buffet me with, viz., Rom.
xi. 6, and, as I had heard of the minister, Mr. Romaine,
and his great knowledge in the Scriptures, I wished much
to hear him preach. One day I went to Black&iars churchy
and, to my great satisfaction and surprise, he preached from
that very text. He very clearly shewed the difference
between human works and free election, which is according
to God's sovereign will and pleasure. These glad tidings
set me entirely at liberty, and I went out of the church
rejoicing. I went to Westminster chisel, and saw some of
my old friends, who were glad when they perceived the won^
derful change that the Lord had wrought in me, particu-
larly Mr. G — S — y my worthy acquaintance, who was a
man of a choice spirit, and had great zeal for the Lord's
service. I enjoyed his correspondence till he died in the
year 1784. I was examined at that chapel, and received
into church fellowship amongst them : I rejoiced in spirit,
making melody in my heart to the Gt>d of all mercies.
Now, my whcde wish was to be dissolved, and to be with
Christ — but, alas ! I must wait mine appointed time.

When our ship was ready for sea again, I was entreated by
the captain to go in her once more, bo I again embarked for
Cadiz, in March, 1776. We hAd a very good passage until
we arrived off the Bay of Cadiz ; when, as we were going
into the harbour, the ship struck against a rock, and
knocked off a garboard plank, whidi is the n^Lt to the keel :
in an instant all hands were in the greatest confusion, and
began with loud cries to call upon God to have mercy oft
them. Although I saw no way of escaping death, I felt no
dread in my then situation, having no desire to live. I

^P"

: I

ia ^rihiite fat i^ JSegni-

even rejoiced in spirit, thinking this death would be sudden
glory. But the fulness of time was not yet come. The
people near to me, were much astonished at seeing me
thus calm and resigned, but I told them of the peace of
God, which through sovereign grace I enjoyed, and these
words were that instant in my mind :

*< CliriBt Ib my pilot wise,
Mj compass is His word ;
My soul eftoh storm defies,
While I hare such, a Lord.
I trust His faithfulness and power
To sare me in the trying hour.
Though rocks and quicksands deep,

Through all my passage lie,
Yet Christ shall safely keep,
And guide me with his eye."

We ran the ship ashore at the nearest place, to keep her
from sinking, and after many tides, with a great deal of
care and industry, we got her repaired again. When we
had despatched our business at Cadiz, we went to GKbraltar,
and thence to Malaga. I was very much shocked at the
bull-baiting and other diversions which prevailed here on
Sunday evenings, to the great scandal of Christianity and
morals.

We sailed for England in June. When we were about
north latitude 4S^, we had contrary wind for several days,
which made the captain exceedingly fretful and peevish :
and God's holy name was often blasphemed by him. One
day, as he was in this imj^ous mood, a young gentleman
who was a passenger on board, reproached him, and said
he acted wrong ; for we ought to be thankful to God for
all things, as we were not in wartt of anything on board ;
and though the wind was contrary for us, yet it was fair
for some others, who, perhaps, stood in more need of it
than we. I immediately seconded this young gentleman
with some boldness, and said we had not the least cause to
xnuixnur, for that the Lord was better to us than we

a €xMt fax % jltgrn^

deserved, and that he had done all things well. Before
that time on the following day, much to our great joy and
astonishment, we saw the providential hand of our benign
Creator, whose ways with His blind creatures are past
finding out. At noon, the man at the helm cried out, —
" A boat !*' I was the first on deck, and descried a
little boat at some distance, but, as the waves were high,
it was as much as we could do sometimes to discern her ;
however we stopped the ship's way, and the boat, which
was extremely small, came alongside with eleven miserable
men, whom we took on board immediately. To all human
appearance, these people must have perished in the course
of one hour or less ; the boat being small, it barely con-
tained them. When we took them up they were half
drowned, and had no victuals, compass, water, or any other
necessary whatsoever, and had only one bit of an oar to
steer with, and that right before the wind ; so that they
were obliged to trust entirely to the mercy of the waves.
As soon as we got them all on board, they bowed them-
selves on their knees, and, with hands and voices lifted up
to Heaven, thanked God for their deliverance ; and I trust
that my prayers were not wanting amongst them at the
same time. The mercy of the Lord quite melted me, and
I recollected the words in the 107th Psalm, which I
thus saw verified : — " They cried unto the Lord in their
trouble, and He delivered them out of their distresses.*'
" O that men would praise the Lord for his goodness, and
for his wonderful works to the children of men." The
poor distressed captain said, '^ that the Lord is good ; for,
seeing that I am not fit to die. He therefore gave me a
space of time to repent." I was very glad to hear this
expression, and took an opportunity when convenient of
talking to him on the providence of God. They told us mrw^
they were Portuguese, and were in a brig loaded with |^^
com, which shifted that morning at five o'clock, owing to
which the vessel sunk that instant with two of the crew ;

a €xMt kc tjif JItgrn.

and how these eleven got into the boat (which was lashed
to the deck) not one of them could tell. We provided
them with every necessary, and brought them all safe to
London, and I hope the Lord gave them repentance unto
eternal life.

I was happy once more amongst my friends and brethren
till November, when my old friend Dr. Irving bought a
remarkably fine sloop, about 150 tons. Having a mind for
a new adventure in cultivating a plantation in Jamaica, and
the Musquito Shore, he asked me to go with him, saying, that
he would trust me with his estate in preference to any one.
I accepted the offer, knowing that the harvest was fully
ripe in those parts, and hoped to be an instrument under
God, of bringing some poor sinner to my well-beloved
Master, Jesus Christ. We embarked in November. On
our passage, I took all the pains that I could to instruct an
Indian prince we had on board the doctrines of Christianity,
of which he was entirely ignorant ; and to my great joy,
he was quite attentive, and received with gladness the truths
that the Lord enabled me to set forth to him.

On the 6th of January we made Antigua and Mont-
serrat, and on the 14th arrived at Jamaica. On the 18th
of February we arrived at the Musquito Shore, and then
sailed to the southward, to Cape Gracias a Dios, where
there was a large lake, which received the emptying of two
or three very fine large rivers, and abounded much in fish
and land tortoise. Some of the native Indians came on
board, and we used them well, and told them we were
come to dwell amongst them, at which they seemed
pleased. So the Doctor and I, with some others, went with
them ashore ; and they took us to different places to view
the land, in order to choose a place to make a plantation
of. We fixed on a spot near a river's bank, in a rich soil ;
and, having got our necessaries out of the sloop, we began
to clear away the woods, and plant different kinds of
vegetables, which had a quick growth.

a €tMt kc % $^m.

I often wifibed to leave this place and sail for Europe ;
for our heatheni3h mode of procedure and living was veiy
irksome to me. The word of God saith, " Wliat does it
avail a man if he gain the whole world and lose his own
soul?'* This was much and heavilj impressed on my
mind ; and though I did not know how to speak to the
Doctor for my discharge, it waa disagreeable for me to
stay any longer, but about the middle of June I took
courage enough to ask him for it* He was very unwilling
at first to grant me my request ; but I gave him so many
reasons for it, that at last he consented to my going, and
gave me the following certificate of my behaviour : —

** The bearer, Gustavus Vassa, has served me several years
with strict honesty, sobriety, and fidelity. I can, therefore,
with justice recommend him for these qualifications ; and
indeed, in every respect I consider him an excellent ser-
vant. I do hereby certify that he always behaved well,
and that he is perfectly trust-worthy,"

"CHARLES IRVING."

" Miuqmio Share, June 16, 1776."

Though I was much attached to the Doctor, I was happy
when he consented. I got every thing ready for my
departure, and hired some Indians, with a large canoe, to
carry me off. All my poor coimtrymen, the Slaves, when
they heard of my leaving them, were very sorry, as I had
always treated them with care and affection, and did every
thing I could to comfort the poor creatures, and render
their ccmdition easy. Having taken leave of my old friends
and companions, on the 18th of June, accompanied by the
Doctor, I left that part of the world, and went southward
above twenty miles alcmg the river. There I found a
sloop, the captain of which told me he was going to
Jamaica, and having agreed for my passage with him, the
Doctor and I parted, not without shedding tears on both

(IS:

K-N

I -=^

ji €xMt fox tin Mtiu.

side8« The vessel then sailed tiU night, when she stopped
in a lake within the same river. A schooner belonging to
the same owners came in, and, as she was in want of hands,
Hughes, the owner of the sloop, asked me to go as a sailor,
and said he would give me wages. I thanked him ; but I
said I wanted to go to Jamaica. He then immediately
changed his tone, and swore, and abused me very much,
and asked how I came to be freed. I told him, and said
that I came into that vicinity with Dr. Irving, whom he
had seen that day. Then he desired me to go in the
schooner, or else I should not go out of the sloop as a free
man. I said this was very hard, and begged to be put on
shore again ; but he swore that I should not. Without
another word, he made some of his people tie ropes round
each of my ancles, and also to each wrist, and another rope
round my body, and hoisted me up without letting my feet
touch or rest upon any thing. Thus I hung, without any
crime committed, and without judge or jury, merely be-
cause I was a free man, and could not by the law get any
redress from a White person in those parts of the world.
I was in great pain from my situation, and cried and begged
very hard for some mercy, but all in vain. My tyrant, in
a rage, brought a musket out of the cabin, and loaded it
before me and the crew, and swore that he would shoot
me if I cried any more. I had now no alternative ; I there-
fore remained silent, seeing not one White man on board who
said a word in my behalf. I hung in that manner from
between ten and eleven o'clock at night till about one in the
morning; when, finding my cruel abuser fast asleep, I
begged some of his Slaves to slacken the rope that was
round my body, that my feet might rest upon something.
This they did at the risk of being cruelly used by their
master, who beat some of them severely at first for not
tying me when he commanded them. Whilst I remained
in this condition, till between five and six o'clock next
morning, I trust I prayed to God to forgive this blasphemer,

a ^rilmb fiit t^ JStgrn,

who cared not what he did, but when he got up out of hia
sleep in the morning was of the very same temper and dis-
position as when he left me at night. When they got up
the anchor, and the vessel was getting under way, I once
more cried and begged to be released ; being fortunately
in the way of hoisting the sails, they released me.

When I was let down, I spoke to Mr. Cox, a carpenter^
whom I knew onboard, on the impropriety of this conduct.
He also knew Dr. Irving, and the good opinion he ever
had of me. This man then went to the captain, and
told him not to carry me away in that manner; that I
was the Doctor's steward, who regarded me very highly,
and would resent this usage when he should come to
know it; on which he desired a young man to put me
ashore in a small canoe he brought with him. I got hastily
into the canoe and set off, whilst my tyrant was down
in the cabin ; but he soon spied me out, when I was not
above thirty or forty yards from the vessel, and running
upon the deck with a loaded musket in his hand, he
presented it at me, and swore heavily and dreadfully, that
he would shoot me that instant, if I did not come back on
board. As I knew the wretch would have done as he
said without hesitation, I put back to the vessel again ;
but, as the good Lord would have it, just as I was alongside,
he was abusing the captain for letting me go from the
vessel, which the captain returned, and both of them soon
got into a very great heat. The young man that was with
me now got out of the canoe ; the vessel was sailing on fast,
with a smooth sea, and I then thought it was neck or
nothing, so at that instant I set off again, for my life, in
the canoe, towards the shore ; and fortunately the confusion
was so great amongst them on board, that I got out of the
reach of the musket shot unnoticed, while the vessel sailed
on with a fair wind a different way, so that they
could not overtake me without tacking ; but even before
that could be done I should have been on shore, which I

fS.

a €rMt fax tjjt Mtin.

soon reached, with many thanks to God for this unex-
pected deliverance.

After a tiresome and perilous journey, I got on board a
sloop, expecting daily to sail for Jamaica, having agreed
to work my passage. I was not mimy days on board before
we sailed ; but, to my sorrow and disappointment, though
used to such tricks, we went to the southward along the
Musquito shore, instead of steering for Jamaica. I was
compelled to assist in cutting a great deal of mahogany
wood on the shore as we coasted along it, and load the
vessel with it before she sailed. I was on board sixteen
days, during which, in our coasting, we fell in with a smaller
sloop, the Indian Queen* commanded by John Baker, how
told me if he could get one or two free hands, he would
sail immediately for Jamaica. He also pretended to show
me some marks of attention and respect, and promised to
give me forty-five shillings sterling a month if I would go
with him. I thought this much better than cutting wood
for nothing, and therefore told the other captain that I
wanted to go to Jamaica in this vessel, but he would not
listen to me ; and, seeing me resolved to go in a day or
two, he got the vessel under sail, intending to carry me
away against my wiU, which mortified me extremely. But
with the assistance of a shipmate, I went on board the
Indian Queen on July the 10th.

A few days after, we sailed ; but again, to my great
mortification, this vessel went to the south, nearly as far as
Carthagena, trading along the coast, instead of going to
Jamaica, as the captain had promised me, and worst of all,
he was a very cruel man, and a horrid blasphemer. It was
the 14th of October before we arrived at Kingston in
Jamaica. When we were unloaded, I demanded my wages
as agreed for, amounting to £8 5s., but the captain
refused to give me one farthing, although it was the
hardest earned money I ever worked for in my life. Dr.
Irving did all he could to help me to get my money; and

a €rMt frc % jiBgrn-

we went to every magistrate in Kingston (and there were
nine), but they all refused to do anything for me, and said
my oath could not be admitted against a White nuuu Nor
was this all, for the captain threatened that he would
beat me severely if he could catch me, for attempting to
demand my money ; and this he would have done, but
that I got, by means of Dr. Irving, under the protection
of captain Douglas, of the Squirrel man-of-war. I thought
this exceeding hard usage ; though I found it to be too
much the practice there, to pay Free Negroes for their
labour in this manner.

In November, I foimd a ship bound for England, when I
embarked with a convoy, having taken a last farewell of Dr.
Irving. In January we arrived at Plymouth : I was happy
once more to tread on English ground ; and, after passing
some little time at Plymouth and Exeter, among some pious
friends, whom I was happy to see, I went to London with
a heart replete with thanks to God for past mercies.

Such were the various scenes which I was a witness to,
and the fortune I experienced imtil the year 1777. Since
that period my life has been more imiform, and the inci-
dents of it fewer than in any other equal number of years
preceding ; I therefore hasten to the conclusion of a Narra-
tive, which I fear the reader may think already sufficientlj
tedious. I had suffered so many impositions in my com-
mercial transactions in different parts of the world, that I
became heartily disgusted with a seafaring life, and was
determined not to return to it, at least for some time.

In 1779, I served Governor Macnamara, who had been
a considerable time on the coast of Africa. Understanding
I was of a religious turn of mind, he thought I might
be of service in converting my countrymen to the faith
of the gospel. I at first refused, telling him how I had
been served on a like occasion by some White people, the
last voyage I went to Jamaica, when I attempt^ the con-
version of the Indian Prince. But he told me not to fear.

a €tMt fine t^ Mt^m.

for he would apply to the Bishop of London to get me
ordained. On these terms I consented to the Governor's
proposal to go to Africa, in hope of doing good amongst
my coimtrymen. In order to have me sent out properly,
we wrote the following letter to the Bishop of London : —

THE MBMORIAL OF OUSTAWS VASSA,

" Shbweth,

" That your memorialist is a native of A&ica, and has
a knowledge of the manners and customs of the inhabitants
of that country.

** That your memorialist has resided in different parts of
Europe for twenty-two years last past, and embraced the
Christian faith in the year 1759.

*' That your memorialifit is desirous of returning to
Africa as a missionary, if encouraged by your Lordship, in
hopes of being able to prevail upon his countrymen to
become Christians; and your memorialist is the more
induced to undertake the same, from the success that has
attended the like undertakings when encouraged by the
Portuguese through their different settlements on the
coast of Africa, and also by the Dutch : both governments
encourage the Blacks, who, by their education are qualified
to undertake the same, and are found more proper than
European clergymen, unacquainted with the language and
customs of the country.

" Your memorialist's only motive for soliciting the office

of a missionary is, that he may be a means, under God, of

reforming his coimtrymen and persuading them to embrace

the Christian religion. Therefore your memorialist humbly

prays your Lordship's encouragement and support in the

undertaking.

"GUSTAVUS VASSA."

This letter was also accompanied by one from Governor
Macnamara, and also one from Dr. Wallace, who had resided

a €xMt kt % jljgrn.

in Africa for many years. With these letters I waited on
the Bishop^ by the Governor's desire, and presented them ^
to his Lordship. He received me with much condescension
and politeness ; but, from some scruples of delicacy, and
saying the Bishops were not of one opinion in sending a
new missionary to Africa, he declined to ordain me.

Shortly after this, I left the Governor, and served a
nobleman in the Dorsetshire militia, with whom I was
encamped at Coxheath for some time. In 1783, I visited
eight counties in Wales, from motives of curiosity.

In the spring of 1784, I thought of traversing old ocean
again, and sailed for New York. Our ship having got
laden, we returned to London in January 1785. When
she was ready again for another voyage, the captain being
an agreeable man, I sailed with him again for Philadelphia
in March in the same year. I was very glad to see this
favourite old town once more ; and my pleasure was much
increased in seeing the worthy Quakers freeing and easing
the burthens of many of my oppressed African brethren.
It rejoiced my heart when one of these friendly people took
me to see a free school they had erected for every deno-
mination of Black people, whose minds are cidtivated there,
and forwarded to virtue ; and thus they are made useful
members of the community. Does not the success of this
practice say loudly to the planters, in the language of
Scripture — " Go ye, and do likewise !"

In October 1785, I was accompanied by some Africans,
and presented the following address of thanks to the
Friends or Quakers, in Whitehart-court, London :

" Gentlemen,

" By reading your book, entitled A Caution to Great
Britain and her Colonies, * concerning the calamitous state ijp^
of the enslaved Negroes, we, part of the poor, oppressed, /^
needy, and much degraded Negroes, desire to approach

* Written by Anthony Beneset?

% ^xMt for % JItgm*

you with this address of thanks, with our inmost love and
warmest acknowledgment ; and with the deepest sense of
your benevolence, unwearied labour, and kind interposition,
towards breaking the yoke of Slavery, and to administer a
little comfort and ease to thousands and tens of thousands
of very grievously afflicted and heavy burthened Negroes.

"Gentlemen, could you, by perseverance, at last be
enabled, imder God, to lighten in any degree the heavy
burthen of the afflicted, no doubt it would, in some mea-
sure, be the possible means of saving the souls of many of
the oppressors ; and if so, sure we are, that the God whose
eyes are ever upon all his creatures, and always rewards
every true act of virtue, and regards the prayers of the
oppressed, will give to you and yours those blessings
wbich it is not in our power to express or conceive, but
which we, as a part of those captivated, oppressed, and
afflicted people, most earnestly wish and pray for."

These gentlemen received us very kindly, with a promise
to exert themselves on behalf of the oppressed.

On my return to London, I was very agreeably surprised
to find, that the benevolence of Government had adopted
the plan of some philanthropic individuals to send the
Africans from hence to their native quarter, and that some
vessels were then engaged to carry them to Sierra Leone ;
an act which redounded to the honour of all concerned in
its promotion, and filled me with much rejoicing. There
was then in the city, a select Committee for the Black poor,
to some of whom I had the honour of being known. As
soon as they heard of my arrival, they informed me of the
intention of Government ; and, as they seemed to think me
qualified to superintend part of the undertaking, they asked
me to go with the Black poor to Africa. I pointed out
many objections to my going ; and particularly expressed ^
some difficulties on the account of the Slave dealers, as I
should certainly oppose their traffic in the human species
by every means in my power. However, these objections

1 €nltntt fst Vft jStgrn.

were over-ruled by the Committee^ who prevailed on me to
consent to go, and recommended me to the honourable
Commissioners of his Majesty's Navy, as a proper person
to act as Commissary for Government in the intended expe-
dition ; and they accordingly appointed me in November
1786| to that office, and gave me sufficient power to act,
having received my warrant and the following order fiom
the Officers and Commissioners of his Majesty's Navy: —

" To Mr. Grustavus Vassa, Commissary of Provisions and
Stores for the Black Poor going to Sierra Leone.^

" Whereas, you are directed, by our warrant, to receive
into your charge, from Mr. Joseph Irwin, the surplus pro-
visions remaining of what was provided for the voyage, as
well as the provisions for the support of the Black poor,
after the landing at Sierra Leone, with the clothing, tools,
and all other articles provided at Government's expence ;
and as the provisions were laid in at the rate of two months
for the voyage, and for four months after the landing, but
the number embarked being so much less than we expected,
whereby there may be a considerable surplus of provisions,
clothing, &c. ; — these are, in addition to former orders, to
direct and require you to appropriate or dispose of such
surplus to the best advantage you can for the benefit of
Government, keeping and rendering to us a faithful account
of what you do herein. And for your guidance in prevent-
ing any White persons going, who are not intended to have
the indulgence of being carried thither, we send you here*
with a list of those recommended by the Committee for the
Black poor, as proper persons to be permitted to embark,
and acquaint you that you are not to suffer any others to
go who do not produce a certificate from the Committee,
of their having their permission for it. For which this
shall be your warrant. Dated at the Navy-Office, January
16, 1787.

"J. HiNSLow, Geo. Marsh, W. Palmer.'

«»

% €xMt fnt tji? Mt^n.

233

I proceeded immediately to the execution of my duty on
board the vessels destined for the voyage, where I conti-
nued till the March following.

During my continuance in the employment of Govern*
ment I was struck with the flagrant abuses committed by
the agent, and endeavoured to remedy them, but without
effect. Government were not the only objects of pecula-
tion ; but the poor people suffered infinitely more ; their
accommodations were most wretched ; many of them wanted
beds, and many more, clothing and other necessaries.

I could not silently suffer Government to be cheated, and
my countrymen plundered and oppressed, and even left
destitute of almost the necessaries for their existence. I
therefore informed the Commissioners of the Navy of the
agent's proceeding ; but my dismission was soon after pro-
cured by means of a gentleman in this city, whom the agent,
conscious of peculation, had deceived by letters, and who,
moreover^ empowered the same agent to receive on board,
at the Government expense, a number of persons as passen-
gers, contrary to the orders I received. By this I suffered
a considerable loss in my property ; however, the Commis-
sioners were satisfied with my conduct, and wrote to Capt.
Thompson, expressing their approbation of it.

Thus provided, they proceeded on their voyage ; and at
last, worn out by treatment, perhaps not the most mild,
and wasted by sickness, brought on by want of medicine,
clothes, bedding, &c. they reached Sierra Leone just at
the commencement of the rains. At that season of the
year it is impossible to cultivate the lands ; their provisions
were therefore exhausted before they could derive any
benefit from agriculture ; and it is not surprising that many,
especially the Lascars, whose constitutions are very tender,
and who had been cooped up in ships from October to
June, and accommodated in the manner described, should
be so wasted by their confinement as not long to survive it.

Thus ended my part of the expedition to Sierra Leone ;

a ^rilrab far tju Jl^grn.

which, howeyer unfortunate in the eyent, was humane and
politic in its design, nor was its failure owing to Goyem-
ment ; every thing was done on their part ; but there was
evidently sufficient mismanagement attending the conduct
and execution of it to defeat its success.

I should not have been so ample in my account of this
transaction, had not the share I bore in it been made the
subject of partial animadversion; even my dismission
from employment was thought worthy of being made by
some a matter of public triumph. The motives which
might influence any person to descend to a petty contest
with an obscure African, and to seek gratification by his
depression, perhaps it is not proper here to inquire into or
relate, even if its detection were necessary to my vindica-
tion ; but I thank Heaven it is not. I wish to stand by
my own integrity, and not to shelter myself under the im-
propriety of another ; and I trust the behaviour of the
Commissioners of the Navy to me, entitle me to make this
assertion. After I had been dismissed, March S4, I drew
up a memorial thus : —

*^ To the Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners of his

Mcyesty^s Treasury*

" The Memorial and Petition of Gustavus Vassa, a
Black Man^ late Commissary to the Black Poor going
to Africa.

** HUMBLY SHEWETH,

** That your Lordships* memorialist was, by the Hon-
ourable the Commissioners of his Majesty's Navy, on the
4th of December last, appointed to the above employment
by warrant from that Board ;

" That he accordingly proceeded to the execution of his
duty on board of the Vernon, being one of the ships ap-
pointed to proceed to Africa with the above poor ;

Sfl^

% €TMt for tjit jitgnt.

That your memorialist, to liis great grief and astonish-
ment, received a letter of dismission from the Honourable
Commissioners of the Navy, by your Lordships' orders ;

*' That, conscious of having acted with the most perfect
fidelity and the greatest assiduity in discharging the trust
reposed in him, he is altogether at a loss to conceive the
reasons of your Lordships having altered the favourable
opinion you were pleased to conceive of him, sensible that
your Lordships would not proceed to so severe a measure
without some apparent good cause ; he therefore has every
reason to believe that his conduct has been grossly misre-
presented to your Lordships, and he is the more confirmed
in his opinion, because, by opposing measures of others
concerned in the same expedition, which tended to defeat
your Lordships' humane intentions, and to put the govern-
ment to a very considerable additional expense, he created
a number of enemies, whose misrepresentations, he has too
much reason to believe, laid the foundation of his dismis-
sion. Unsupported by friends, and imaided by the advan-
tages of a liberal education, he can only hope for redress,
from the justice of lus cause. In addition to the mortifica-
tion of having been removed from his employment, and the
advantage which he reasonably might have expected to
have derived therefrom, he has had the misfortune to
have sunk a considerable part of his little property in
fitting himself out, and in other expenses arising out of
his situation, an account of which he here annexes. Your
memorialist will not trouble your Lordships with a vindi-
cation of any part of his conduct, because he knows not of
what crimes he is accused ; he, however, earnestly entreats
that you will be pleased to direct an inquiry into his be-
haviour during the time he acted in the public service ;
and, if it be found that his dismission arose from false re-
presentations, he is confident that in your Lordships' justice
he shall find redress.

Your petitioner therefore humbly prays that your

236

a €xMt fet t^ Jltgrn,

Lordships will take his case into consideration, and that
you will be pleased to order payment of the account above
referred to, amounting to £82 4s, and also the wages in-
tended, which is most humbly submitted.
««Xo««o«,3f(iyl2,1787."

The above petition was delivered into the hands of their
Lordships, who were kind enough, in the space of some
few months afterwards, without hearing, to order me £50.

My life has since passed in an even tenor, and great part
of my study and attention has been to assist my much
injured countrymen.

On March 21st, 1788, I had the honour of presenting
the Queen with a petition on behalf of my African bre-
thren, which was received most graciously by Her Majesty.

" To the QUEEN'S most Excellent Majesty.

" Your Majesty's well known benevolence and humanity
embolden me to approach your royal presence, trusting
that the obscurity of my situation will not prevent your
Majesty from attending to the sufferings for which I plead.

" Yet I do not solicit your royal pity for my own dis-
tress ; my sufferings, although numerous, are in a measure
forgotten. I supplicate your Majesty's compassion for
millions of my African countrymen, who groan under the
lash of tyranny in the West Indies.

" The oppression and cruelty exercised to the unhappy
Negroes there, have at length reached the British legisla-
ture, and they are now deliberating on its redress ; even
several persons of property in Slaves in the West Indies,
have petitioned parliament against its continuance, sensible
that it is as impolitic as it is unjust — ^and what is inhuman
must ever be unwise.

" Your Majesty's reign has hitherto been distinguished
by private acts of benevolence and bounty; surely the
more extended the misery is, the greater claim it has to

% €iaissit for tjit jltgio.

jour Majesty's compassion, and the greater must be your
Majesty's pleasure in administering to its relief.

** I presume, therefore, gracious Queen, to implore your
interposition, with that of your royal consort, in favour of
the wretched Africans ; that, by your Majesty's benevolent
influence, a period may now be put to their misery ; and
that they may be raised from the condition of brutes, to
which they are at present degraded, to the rights and
situation of free men, and admitted to partake of the bles-
sings of your Majesty's happy Government ; so shall your
Majesty enjoy the heartfelt pleasure of procuring happi-
ness to millions, and be rewarded in the grateful prayers of
themselves, and of their posterity.

'*And may the all-bountiful Creator shower on your
Majesty, and the royal family, every blessing that this world
can afford, and every fulness of joy which divine revela-
tion has promised us in the next.

** I am your Majesty's most dutiful and devoted

"Servant to command,

" GUSTAVUS VASSA,
" The Oppressed Ethiopian."

I hope, continues our intelligent African, in his Narra-
tive, to have the satisfaction of seeing the renovation of
liberty and justice, resting on the British Government, to
vindicate the honour of our common nature. These are
concerns which do not perhaps belong to any particular
office : but, to speak more seriously, to every man of senti-
ment, actions like these are the just and sure foundation
of fiiture fame ; a reversion, though remote, is coveted by
some noble minds as a substantial good. It is upon these
grounds that I hope and expect the attention of gentlemen
in power. These are designs consonant to the elevation
of their rank, and the dignity of their stations ; they are
ends suitable to the nature of a free and generous Govern-
ment ; and, connected with views of empire and dominion,

% €jMt fin t^ jitgnr.

suited to the benevolence and solid merit of the legislature.
It is a pursuit of substantial greatness. May the time
come, when the Sable people shall gratefully commemorate
the auspicious era of extensive freeedom. Then shall those
persons particularly be named with praise and honour,
who generously proposed and stood forth in the cause of
humanity, liberty, and good policy, and brought to the
ear of ike legislature designs worthy of royal patronage
and adoption.* May Heaven make British senators the
dispersers of light, liberty, and science, to the uttermost
parts of the earth : then will be 'glory to God in the high*
est, on earth peace, and good-will to men.' * It is right*
eousness that exalteth a nation, but sin is a reproach to any
people ; destruction shall be to the workers of iniquity,
and the wicked shall fall by their own wickedness.' May
the blessings of the Lord be upon the heads of all those who
conmuserate the case of the oppressed Negroes, and the
fear of God prolong their days; and may their expectations
be filled with gladness ! * The liberal devise liberal things,
and by liberal things shall they stand.' They can say with
pious Job, 'Did not I weep for him that was in trouble?
was not my soul grieved for the poor V

I have now only to request the reader's indulgence, and
conclude. I am far from the vanity of thinking there is
any merit in this Narrative : I hope censure will be sus*
pended, when it is considered, that it was written by one
who was as unwilling, as unable, to adorn the plainness
of truth by the colouring of imagination. My life and
fortune have been extremely chequered, and my adven-
tures various. Even those I have related are considerably
abridged. If any incident should appear uninteresting or
trifling, I can only say, as my excuse for mentioning it,
that almost every event of my life made an impression on.

* Qranyille Sharp, Thomaa dariuon, Jam6B Bamsay, men of yirtae, an
honour to their country, ornamental to hvman nature^ luippj in them*
selTeay and bene&otors to mankind !

a €tMt fat tilt Mtin.

my mind^ and influenced my conduct. I early accustomed
myself to observe the hand of God in the minutest occur-
rence, and to learn from it a lesson of morality and religion ;
and in this light every circumstance I have related was to
me of importance* After all, what makes any event
important, unless by its observation we become better and
wiser, and learn ' to do justly, to love mercy, and to walk
humbly before God ?' To those who are possessed of this
spirit, there is scarcely any book or incident so trifling that
does not afford some profit, while to others the experience
of ages seems of no use; and even to pour out to them the
treasures of wisdom is throwing the jewels of instruction
away.

N.B. In putting together the foregoing sketch of Giis-
tavus Yassa, from his " Narrative,*' the author has not been
able to avail himself of the last edition, which was published
in 1794, and would probably detail the events of his life
to a later period. The Abbe Gregoire, in his Inquiry into
the Intellectual and Moral Faculties of the Negroes, says,
''that Yassa married in London, and had a son, Sancho, to
whom he gave a good education, and who became assistant-
librarian to Sir Joseph Banks, and secretary to the Com-
mittee for Yaccination.

JOB BEH BOLLIXAH.

Job Ben Solliman, was an African of great distinction

in his own country, being the son of the Mahomedan King
of 'Bimda, on the Gambia. In 1730, whilst travelling
across the countries of Jagra, with a servant and some
cattle, he was seized, and carried to Joar, where he was
sold to captain Pyke, commander of the ship Arabella, who
carried him off to America, and sold him to a planter in
Maryland. Here he lived about a year, being treated with
unusual kindness by his master.

a Crihnfe fiir tju jStgnr.

Being well versed in the Arabic tongue^ he wrote a
letter in that language, which he had the good fortune to
get conveyed to England. This letter falling into the hands
of a gentleman named Oglethorpe, he sent it to Oxford to
be translated, and became inspired with so good an opinion
of the author, that he immediately sent orders to have him
bought of his master. But Oglethorpe, setting out for
Georgia himself soon after, before he returned from thence,
SoUiman, by a train of extraordinary adventures, had
already been brought to England. Waiting on the learned
Sir Hans Sloane, he was found to be a perfect master of
the Arabic tongue, by translating several manuscripts and
inscriptions upon medals into English, of which he had ac-
quired a competent knowledge during his servitude, and
on his passage to England. Sir Hans Sloane recommended
him to the Duke of Montague, who, being pleased with his
sweetness of disposition and mildness of temper, his dignified
and pleasing manners, as well as with his genius and capacity,
introduced him to court, where he was graciously received
by the royal family, and most of the nobili^, from whom
he received distinguished marks of favour and esteem.

After remaining in England about fourteen months, he
was very desirous of returning to his native country, and
to see his father, the King of Bimda, once more, to whom
he sent letters from England. He received many valuable
presents from Queen Caroline, the Duke of Cumberland,
the Duke of Montague, the Earl of Pembroke, several
ladies of quality, and also from the African Company, who
ordered their agents to shew him great respect, and re-con-
ducted him to Bunda. He arrived there safely. One of
his uncles residing there, embraced him, and said, ** During
sixty years, thou art the first Slave I have seen return
from America !"

Solliman wrote many letters to his friends in Europe
and America, which were translated and perused with
interest. At his father's decease he became his successor.

1TV

<% €vMt fax tjit JItgio.

241

and was much beloved by his subjects. Moore, in his
travels, met with him and gives some further account of
him. He possessed an uncommonly retentive memory.
While in England, he wrote a copy of the Koran in Arabic,
entirely from remembrance. It was probably to this cir.
cumstance that the Abbe Gregoire alluded, when he states
that " he knew the Koran by heart." In vol. xx. of the
Gentleman*s Magazine, 1750, is a portrait of Job Ben
SoUiman, with one of the Prince of Anamaboe.

8ABIKI; A LEABHSB SLAVE.

Dr. Madden, in a letter to J. S. Buckingham, Esq.,
M.P., dated Kingston (Jamaica), Sept. 15, 18S4, gives the
following particulars respecting a Slave who had been of
exalted rank in his own coimtry : —

"A Negro was recently brought before me, belonging to
a Mr. Anderson, of this town, to be sworn in as constable
on his master's property* I discovered by the mere accident
of seeing the man sign his name in very well-written Arabic,
that he was a man of education, and on subsequent inquiry,
a person of exalted rank in his own country, who had been
kidnapped in a province bordering on Timbuctoo. He
had been sold into Slavery in Jamaica nearly 30 years ago,
and had preserved the knowledge of the learning of his
country, and obtained the character of one a little more
enlightened than the majority of his savage brethren, and
that was all. The interest I took in all Oriental matters
(if no other motive influenced me), induced me to enter
minutely into this man's history. I had him to my house :
he gave me a written statement of the leading events of his
life. I found the geographical part of his story correct :
he became a frequent visitor of mine in his leisure time ;
and I soon discovered that his attainments, as an Arabic
scholar, were the least of his merits. I found him a person
of excellent conduct, of great discernment and discretion.

1 €xMt far ttis Mt^.

I think if I wanted advice on any important matter, in
which it required extra prudence and a high aense of moral
rectitude to qualify the possessor to give counsel, I would
as soon have recourse to the advice of this poor Negro as
any person I know.

''By what name under Heaven, that is compatible
with moderation, that is musical to ears polite, must that
system be called by, which sanctioned the stealing away of
a person like this, as much a nobleman in his own country,
as any titled chief is in ours, and in his way, (without
any disparagement to the English noble), as suitably
educated for his rank ? Fancy one of the scions of our
nobility, a son of one of our war chiefs — Lord London-
derry's, for example — educated at Oxford, and, in the
course of his subsequent travels, unfortunately falling into
the hands of African robbers, and being carried into
bondage. Fancy the poor youth marched in the common
Slave coffle to the first market place on the coast. He is
exposed for sale : nobody inquires whether he is a patrician
or a plebeian: nobody cares whether he is ignorant or
enlightened: it is enough that he has thews and sinews for
a life of labour without reward. Will you follow him to
the Slave ship that is to convey him to a distant land i — a
vessel, perhaps similar to that visited by Dr. Walsh ou his
passage to Brazil, ' where 562 human beings were huddled
together, so closely stowed that there was no possibility of
lying down or changing their position night or day.* —
Well, like Sterne, let us take the single captive i he survives
the passage, and has seen the fifth part of his comrades
perish in the voyage : he islanded on some distant island,
where he is doomed to hopeless Slavery. The brutal
scramble for the Slaves has ceased : he is dragged away, by
his new master, but not before he is branded with a heated 4K>^
iron, which may only sear his flesh, while the iron brand
of Slavery, the burning thought of endless bondage, ' en-
ters into his souL' '*

a €nMt fet tjit Jltgrn.

Dr. Madden^ having made up his mind to redeem the
interesting Negro he has introduced to our notice, (who
was known in Jamaica by the name of Edward Doulan,)
made application to his master, and requested he would
nominate a local magistrate, to act with the special justice
of some parish, for the purpose of valuing his Slave.

" I was given to understand by Mr. Anderson," says Dr.
Madden, *' that the man was invaluable to him — that he
kept his books, (in Arabic characteis) — and that the
accounts of the whole of his vast business were kept by
him — ^in short, that no sum of money which could be
awarded to him could compensate him for the loss of the
man's services. I also heard, indirectly, that the attempt
to procure his liberty had already been made, unsuccess-
fully, some years ago, by the Duke de Montebello, when
he visited Jamaica, on his return from his South American
travels, who had ineffectually applied at the Colonial
Office, to be assisted in devising means for procuring his
freedom. But, though a Duke had failed, I had the
modesty to think it was no reason why I should.

** I waited on Mr. Anderson, his master, who was a per*
feet stranger to me, and frankly stated to him what my
wishes and intentions were. I know not with what
earnestness I pressed the matter, but I found myself talk*
ing to a man whose disposition, if nature ever writes a
legible hand on human features, was as benevolent as any
I ever met with* I expressed the wish I felt to obtain
the man's release : he said, I need say no more on the sub-
ject. The man was invaluable to him ; his services were
worth more to him than those of Negroes for whom he
had paid £300 ; but the man had been a good servant to
him — a faithful and a good Negro — ^and he would take no
money for him — ^he would give him his liberty 1!! I
pressed him to name any reasonable sum for his release,
but he positively refused to receive one farthing in the way
of indemnity for the loss of the man's services.

31 €xMt fat t^ JItgrn.

** The following day was appointed to execute the act of
manumission, at the public office of the special magistrate.
The time appointed for carrying the release into effect
having become known, a great number of the respectable
inhabitants of Kingston attended : the office was indeed
crowded at an early hour with persons of all complexions,
who had come to witness the ceremony. Mr. Anderson
and his Negro, Edward Doulan, being in attendance, the
manumission papers were prepared ; but before they were
signed, the nature of the circumstances which had led to
the effi)rt that had been made to obtain the man*s freedom,
and the manner in which that boon had been granted by
his master, were dwelt on at some length ; and the merits
of the fidelity of the one, and the generosity of the other,
were feebly perhaps described, however forcibly they
might be felt. The scene was one of no ordinary interest.
Beside the bench stood a Negro of exalted rank in his own
coimtry, in the act of obtaining his liberty, after many a
long year of Slavery, and near him his venerable master,
* prepared to give unto his servant that which was just and
equal, knowing that he also had a master in heaven.'
There were tears of joy on some of the black features
before me, and there were smiles of satisfaction even on
white faces in that assemblage. It is said the gods are
pleased to behold the succes^ul exertions of a good man
struggling with adversity ; but if we are justified in esti-
mating what is pleasing to that intelligence by the extent
of the advantages conferred on man by human beneficence,
perhaps the sight of a good master, voluntarily making a
faithful bondsman free, and laying down authority which
it may not be in his nature to abuse, but yet which he
knows it is not safe for mortal man to be entrusted with,
is one of the exhibitions of humanity, in which its affinity
with a higher nature, appears at a distance less remote than
in almost any other situation in which we can conceive it.*'

After the Negro's liberation. Dr. Madden solicited

a €xMt fat tjn Mtpi.

subscriptions for him, and had the satisfaction of presenting
him with twenty pounds. This sum was principally pro-
cured by the presentation of an address to the inhabitants
of Kingston, accompanied by a history of his life, written
in Arabic, and couched in terms at once creditable to his
acquirements as a scholar, and his character as a man of dis«
cretion and integrity. How he could have attained so
competent a knowledge of his native language, at so early
an age as that at which he had been taken from his
country, and have kept up his knowledge of it in the un-
favourable circumstances in which he was placed in a
foreign land, it is difficult to conceive. We have only
space for a few extracts from the history of this interesting
Slave, which may be seen more at length in Dr. Madden's
" Twelve months in the "West Indies," ii. p. 183 : —

My name is Abon Beer Sadiki, bom in Timbuctoo,
and brought up in Geneh. I acquired the knowledge of
the Alcoran in the country of Oounah, in which there are
many teachers for young people, who come from different
parts for their instruction. My father's name is Kara-
Mousa, Scheriff; (the interpretation of which is, ^* of a noble
family.") The names of my father's brothers are Aderiza,
Abdriman, Mahomet, and Abon Beer. Their father, my
grandfather, lived in the country of Timbuctoo and Geneh;
some say he was the son of Ibrahim, the founder of my
race in the country of Geneh. After the death of my
grandfather, jealousy arose among the sons and the rest of
the fanuly, which scattered them into the different parts
of Soudan.

My father gathered a large quantity of gold and silver
in the country of Gounah, some of which he sent to his
father-in-law : he also sent horses, mules, and rich silks,
from Egypt, as presents for Ali Aga Mahonuned Tassere,
my grandfather, in the country of Boumoo and Cassina.
He afterwards took the fever, which was the cause of his
death in Gounah, where he was buried. At this time I

a €tMt fet tjiB JItgrn.

was a child, but some of my old relations told me after-
wards, all about the life of my departed father. About
five years after his death, I got the consent of my teacher
to go to the country of Oounah to see the grave of my
father. He said, with the blessing of God, he would accom-
pany me. He then prepared proper provision for our jour-
ney, and we took along with us many of his eldest scholars
to bear us company. We departed, and, after long fatigue,
we arrived at Cong ; from there we went to Gounah, and
stopped there for about two years, as we considered the
place a home, having much property therein.

Abdengara, king of Buntuco, having slain Iffoa, the king
of Bandara, in battle, also wanted to kill Cudjoe, the cap-
tain of an adjoining district. When the king of Gounah
heard that Abdengara had come in with his army to fight
him, he called all his men to meet the enemy in the coun-
try of Bolo, where they commenced fighting from the
middle of the day until night. After that they went to
their different camps : seven days after that, they gathered
up again, and commenced the war in the town of Anacco,
where they fought exceedingly, and there were many lives
lost on both sides ; but Abdengara's army, being stronger
than the king of Gounah's, took possession of the town.
Some of Gt)unah's people were obliged to fly to Cong, and
on that very day they made me a captive. As soon as I

and gave me a heavy load to carry, and led me into tiie
country of Buntocoo, — ^from thence to Cumsay, where the
king of Shantee reigned, whose name is Ashai, — and j&om
thence to Agimaca, which is the country of the Fantees ;
from thence to the town of Dago, by the sea-side (all the
way on foot and well loaded) ; there they sold me to the
Christians in that town. One of the ship's captains pur-
chased me, and delivered me over to one of his sailors : the
boat immediately pushed off, and I was carried on board
of the ship. We were three months at sea before we

<\J<^

trsp

H ^rittste &r % jSegro.

arrived in Jamaicai which was the beginning of bondage.
But, praise be to God, who has everything in his power to
do as he thinks good, and no man can remove whatever
burden he chooses to put on us, as He has said, ** Nothing
shall . fall on us except what He shall ordain ; He is our
Lord, and let all that believe in Him put their trust in Him."
My parents are of the Mussulman religion : they are
particulady careful in the education of their children, and
in their behaviour, but I am lost to all those advantages :
since my bondage, I am become corrupt ; and I now con-
clude, by begging the Almighty God to lead me into the
path that is proper for me, for He alone knows the
secrets of my heart, and what I am in need of.

ABON BECR SADIKI.

Eiiigston, Januupa, Sept. 20, 1834.

"The above," says Dr. Madden, " was written in Arabic.
The man speaks English well and correctly for a Negro,
but does not read or write it. I caused him to read the
original, and translated it word by word : and, from the
little knowledge I have of the spoken language, I can
safely present this version of it as a literal translation.'*

Some further information respecting Sadiki would have
been interesting ; all I can find in Dr. Madden*s West
Indies, is an extract from a letter he addressed to two
highly respectable clergymen : —

" Reverend Gentlemen,

" I beg leave to inform you that I am rejoiced and well
pleased in my heart for the great boon I have received in
the Testament, both of the old and new law of our Lord
and Saviour, in the Arabic language.'*

Also a letter he wrote to one of his fellow-countrymen,
a Slave in Jamaica, in reply to one received from him : —

'* Kingston, Jamaica, Oct. 18th, 1884

" Dear Countryman,
** I now answer your letter. My name in Arabic is AJbon

. I

ia ^rihtitt fet t^ jifgni.

Beer Sadiki, and in Christian language, Edward Doidan ;
bom in Timbuctoo, and brought up in Geneh. I finished
reading the Koran in the county of Gounah, at which
place I was taken captive in war. My master's name in this
country is Alexander Anderson. Now, my countryman,
God hath given me a faithful man, a just and a good mas-
ter; he made me free ; and I know truly that he has shown
mercy to every poor soul under him. I know he has
done that justice which our King William the Fourth com-
manded him to do (God save the King), and may he be a
conqueror over all his enemies from east to west, from
north to south, and the blessing of God extend over all his
kingdom, and all his ministers and subjects. I beseech
you, Mahomed Caba, and all my friends, continue in
praying for my friend, my life, and my bread fruit, which
friend is my worthy Dr. Madden, and I hope that God may
give him honour, greatness, and gladness, and likewise his
generation to come, as long as Heaven and earth continue.
Now, my countryman, these prayers that I request of you
are greater to me than anything else I can wish of you ; and
you must pray that God may give him strength and
power to overcome all his enemies, and that the King's
orders to him be held in his right hand firmly.

The honour I have in my heart for him is great ; but God
knows the secrets of all hearts. Dear countryman, I also
beseech you to remember in your prayers my master,
Alexander Anderson, who gave me my liberty free and
willingly ; and may the Almighty prosper him, and protect
him from all dangers.

" Whenever you wish to send me a letter, write it in
Arabic ; then I shall understand it properly.

" I am, &c.

"EDWARD DOULAN." tP"

(Abon Beer Sadiki, in Arabic.)

"These letters," writes Dr. Madden, "are selected from

W^S

i '■.O N v»

a €tiMt for tjn Sfgm

a great many addressed to me by the Negroes, both in
English and Arabic ; and, if these limits allowed me to
send you all of them, I think you would come to the con-
clusion, that the natives of some parts of Africa are not so
entirely ignorant as they are represented to be, and that
the Negroes generally, are as capable of mental improve-
ment as their White brethren, at least, that is my firm
conviction ; but it is not from letters, but from oral com-
munication with them, from close observation of their men-
tal qualities, both in the east and in the west, that I have
formed that opinion."

The learned Doctor gives a letter from a number of free
African Negroes of Kingston, signed by four of them.
" Some of the ideas contained in it," he remarks, " are highly
poetical, and the language in which they are expressed,
simple and not inelegant.

TB8TIK0HT OF CAPTAIN PILXIHeTOir BESPECTIHO

THE VSGBO.

Captain Pilkington, being appointed Chief Civil Engineer
on the Western Coast of Africa, proceeded with his wife to
Sierra Leone, in 1847.

" I remained,'* he writes, " about two years and a half
in this settlement, during which period I was engaged in
the erection of many public buildings in its various towns,
which afforded me frequent opportunities of observing the
character and conduct of the Free Blacks, whom I found
to be both intelligent and docile. I witnessed their deport-
ment on the bench, as magistrates — as pleaders at the bar
— ^and as grand and petty jurors ; and I may safely affirm
that I had every reason to admire the upright, the faithful,
and the conscientious mode in which they discharged the
duties of these offices. In a Report of the Commissioners
of Inquiry to that Colony, it is stated, that ' Neither of
the two individuals practising as solicitors or attomies, have
been professionally educated. One is an European, who

a €vMt for t^ jiBgrn.

acts also as King's Advocate and Re^strar of the Vice-
admiralty Court ; the other, a person of Colour, bom and
educated in England, and engaged in mercantile pursuits.'
Surely nothing can more indisputably prove the tranquility
of this settlement, containing a population of 22,000 inhabi-
tants, than the fact, that there were only two lawyers there,
and even these (the smallest number that can be engaged
in a court of law, viz., one for plaintiff, one for defendant)
could not gain a subsistence by the professional emolu-
ments alone !"

Owing to the insalubrity of the climate, captain Pilking-
ton resolved to purchase a prize vessel then in the harbour,
and undertake a trading voyage on the coast. " Having
effected the purchase," says he, " I proceeded up the Rio
Pongas, visiting the Timini and Susoo nations. I sailed
also up the Kissy river as far as it was navigable for a large
vessel, and pursued my voyage to its source in my boat.
In the course of this expedition, I also visited several pro-
vinces of the Mandingo nation, the inhabitants of which
paid uniform respect to my person and property. Con-
scious that a stranger must be unacquainted with their
usages and laws, they require of him nothing more than
that he should mention to his host or landlord the whole
business which he desires to undertake amongst them. If
he does this, he is safe from the infliction of penal enact-
ment, should he violate the native laws ; but if not, he is
considered as taking the entire responsibility of his conduct
upon himself, and is treated accordingly. This I regard
as a great privilege granted to the foreigner, and as exhi-
biting a considerate rectitude of principle, highly honour-
able to the head and heart of this simple-minded people.
Nor was this practice restricted to the Mandingoes only ; as
wherever I touched, I found it the prevalent custom on that <fr>^
part of the African coast. These people are chiefly Mahome-
dans, and have attained to a remarkable degree of civiliza-
tion, under the influence of a law that no ^ bookman '

-'^

a €nMt for tin 3?jgni.

251

shaD be sold as a Slave, the natural tendency of which may
be easily imagined. Yet the only book they read is the
Koran, which the 'book-men' constantly carry about
their person, as a triumphant token of their learning, dig-
nity, and privileges.

'' Leaving these nations, I sailed to the southward, and
touched at the Kroo country, where I found a very hardy,
active, and intelligent race of men, devoted to labour and
to agricultural pursuits, which may in a great degree be
owing to a difficulty of access to the interior, which cuts
them off from all temptation of engaging in the odious
Slave trade — the easiest, but most infamous, of all the
modes of procuring a livelihood. That they are inherently
industrious, is evinced by their habit of navigating in small
canoes to Sierra Leone, a distance of 120 leagues, for the
sole purpose of obtaining employment. The Krooman's
canoe is cut out of a solid piece of soft wood, pointed at
both ends, in length scarcely exceeding that of the navi-
gator, and is so light that he carries it customarily from the
sea to his hut, in the roof of which he places it for protec-
tion from the sun. Instead of oars, he uses a paddle about
two feet long, very broad at the bottom, which he plies
with both hands, on either side of the barque, as occasion
may require, he himself sitting at the bottom, with his legs
across, in the Turkish fashion. It is really surprising to
witness the activity vnth which he brings down this canoe
to the sea side ; with what dexterity he launches it ; the
nicety vdth which, whether in a sitting or standing posture,
he balances its action ; and with what velocity he impels
it over the surface of the water.

" This people likewise employ themselves in the cultiva-
tion of rice, which, when in season, may be purchased of
them in great quantities. Here, again, their industry is
obvious ; for, being obliged to deliver it on board the ves-
sel of the purchaser, they have to transport it in their
canoes in veryv small portions. Their enterprise readily

a €tMt fnr t^ Mt^n.

induces them, without apprehension^ to trust themselyes
with those who trade along the coast as I did, to render
such services as their active hahits and local knowledge
enable them to do. They are, in consequence, acquainted
not only with the different African dialects, but the lan-
guages of commercial Europe* I have known instances of
the same Krooman speaking English, French, and Dutch.
They justly estimate the value of a good character, and
invariably desire a written statement of their conduct from
their respective White employers."

PLACIDO.

In the summer of 1844, eleven persons were executed
together at Havannah, in Cuba, for having been concerned
in an alleged conspiracy, to obtain liberty for the Black
population — the Slaves of the Spanish inhabitants. One
of these, the leader of the revolt, was Grabriel de la Con-
cepcion Valdes, more commonly known by the name of
Placido, the Cuban poet.

Little is known of this Negro beyond a few particulars
contained in one or two brief newspaper notices, which iqp-
peared shortly after his execution, announcing the fact in
this country. The Heraldo, a Spanish newspaper, in giv-
ing an account of the execution, speaks of him as " the
celebrated poet, Placido;" and says, ^^ this man was bom with
great natural genius, and was beloved and appreciated by
the most respectable young men of Havannah, who united
to purchase his release from Slavery." Placido appears to
have burned with a desire to do something for his race ;
and hence he employed his talents not only in poetry, but
also in schemes for altering the political condition of Cuba.
The Spanish papers, as might be expected, accuse him of
wild and ambitious projects, and of desiring to excite an <i]So)
insurrection in Cuba, similar to the memorable Negro '^
insurrection in St. Domingo fifty years ago. Be that as it
may, Placido was at the head of a conspiracy formed in

^'.

a ^riiititt for tin Sip-

Cuba in the beginning of 1844. The conspiracy fiedledy and
Placidoy with a number of his companions, was seized by
the Spanish authorities.

The following is the account given of the execution in
a letter from Havannah, which appeared in the Morning
Herald newspaper : — " What dreadful scenes have we not
witnessed here these last few months ! what frightful
developments! what condemnations and horrid deaths!
But the bloody drama seems approaching its close ; the
curtain has just fallen on the execution of the chief con-
spirator, Placido, who met his fate with a heroic calmness
that produced a universal impression of regret. Nothing
was positively known of the decision of the council respect-
ing him, till it was rumoured a few days since that he would
proceed, along with others, to the * Chapel ' for the con-
demned« On the appointed day, amidsta great crowd, he was
seen walking along with singular composure under circum-
stances so gloomy, saluting with graceful ease his numerous
acquaintances. Are you aware what the punishment of
the * Chapel * means ? It is worse a thousand times than
the death of which it is the precursor. The imfortunate
criminals are conducted into a chapel hung with black, and
dimly lighted. Priests are there to chant in a sepulchral
voice the service of the dead ; and the coffins of the trem-
bling victims are arrayed in cruel relief before their eyes.
Here they are kept for twenty- four hours, and are then led
out to execution. Can anything be more awful ? And
what a disgusting aggravation of the horror of the coming
death ! Placido emerged from the chapel cool and undis-
mayed, whilst the others were nearly or entirely overcome
with the agonies they had already undergone. He held a
crucifix in his hand, and recited in a loud voice a beautiful
prayer in verse, which thrilled upon the hearts of the atten-
tive masses which lined the road he passed. On arriving
at the fatal spot, he sat down on a bench with his back
turned, as ordered, to the military, and rapid preparations

a €rilmb for t^ 3?fp.

were made for his death. And now the dread hour had
arrived. At last he arose, and said, ^ Adios, mundo ; no
hay piedad para mi. Soldados, fuego.' — [Adieu, O world;
here there is no pity for me. Soldiers, fire.] Five balls
entered his body. Amid the murmurs of the horror-struck
spectators, he got up, and turned his head upon the shrink-
ing soldiers, his face wearing an expression of super-human
courage. * Will no one have pity on me V he said. * Here
(pointing to his heart) — fire here.' At that instant two
balls pierced his breast, and he fell dead whilst his words
stUl echoed in our ears. Thus has perished the great leader
of the attempted revolt."

The following is the poem alluded to in the Heraldo,
composed in Spanish by Placido.

A BIOS PLEGARIA.

" Ser de immensa bondad, Dios Foderoso,
2tT08 acudo en mi dolor veliemente ;
estendea raestro braze omnipotente,
raagad de calumnia el yelo odioso,
J arrancad esto sello ignominioxo,
con que el mundo mauchar quiere mi frente.

Bey de los reyes, Dios de mis abueloe,
TOB Bolo Bois mi defensor, Dios mio ;
todo lo puede quien al mar sombrio,
olas y peoes di<5, luz i los cielos
fuego al sol, giro al aire, al Korte luelos,
yida i las plantas, movimiento al no.

Todo lo podeis yas, lodo feneoe,
6 se reanima i yuestra yoz sagrada ;
fiiera de yos, Senor, el todo es nada,
que en la insondabil etemidad pereoe.
y aun es a misnia nada as obedece,
pues de eUa fue la humanidad oreada.

Yo no OS puedo eno anar, Dios de demenota ;
y pues yuestra ; eternal sabiduria
ye el tray^ de mi cuerpo el alma mia,
cual del aire iL la clara transparenoia)
estorbad que bumillada la innooencia,
bata BUB palmas la calumnia impia.

a ^riintb fin ijjt jlltp.

Mas si quadra iL ta snina omnipotenoia
que 70 pereyoa, cual malvado impfo,
7 que las hombres mi cadayer frio
Tiltragen con maligna oomplacenoia
soene tu toz, j acabe mi existenoia,
c^plose en mi tu Toluntad, Dios mio.*'

The following is a translation of these beautiful lines.
They were written in prison the night before his execution,
and were solemnly recited by him as he proceeded to the
place of death, so that the concluding stanza was uttered
only a few moments before he expired.

« Being of infinite goodness ! God Almighty !
I hasten in mine agonj to thee !
Bending the hateful veil of calumnj,
Stretch forth thine arm omnipotent in pity ;
EflEHce this ignominy from my brow,
Wherewith the world is £Eun to brand it now.

Oh King of kings ! thou Gh>d of my forefathers !
My God ! thou only my defence shalt be,
Who gaVst her riches to the shadowed sea ;

From whom the North her frosty treasures gathers —
Of heayenly light and solar flame the giver,
Life to the leayes, and motion to the riyer.

Thou canst do all things. What thy will doth cherish,

Beyiyes to being at thy sacred yoioe,

Without thee all is naught, and at thy choice.
In &thomless eternity must perish.

Yet e'en that nothingness thy will obeyed.

When of its yoid humanity was made.

Merciful Gh>d ; I can deceiye thee neyer ;

Since, as through ether's bright transparency,

Eternal wisdom still my soul can see
Through eyery earthly lineament for eyer.

Forbid it, then, that Innocence should stand

Humbled, while Slander claps her impious hand.

But if the lot thy soyereign power shall measure,

Must be to perish as a wretch accurs'd,

And men shall trample oyer my cold dust —
The corse outraging with malignant pleasure —

Speak, and recall my being at thy nod !

Accomplish in me all thy wUl, my God ! "

Masia W. Chafkav.

a ^nMt for % ^Bp,

The execution of Plaeido took place at six o'clock in
the morning, a victim to Slavery. It is to be hoped that
more may yet be learnt of the history of this unfortunate,
but gifted Negro.

THE HAPPT HBGBO.

Some years ago, Andrew Searle, an English gentleman
had occasion to visit North America, where the following
circumstance occurred, as related in his own words : —

" Every day's observation convinces me that the children
of God are made so by his own special grace ; and that all
means are equally effectual with Him, whenever He is
pleased to employ them for conversion.

" In one of my excursions, while I was in the State of
New York, I was walking by myself over a considerable
plantation, amused with its husbandry, and comparing it
with that of my own country, till I came within a little
distance of a middle aged Negro, who was tilling the
ground. I felt a strong inclination, imusual with me, to
converse with him. After asking him some little questions
about his work, which he answered in a sensible manner,
I asked him to tell me whether his state of Slavery was not
disagreeable to him, and whether he would not gladly be
at liberty. ' Massah,' said he, looking seriously upon me,
' I have a wife and children ; my Massah take care of them,
and I have no care to provide any thing ; I have a good
Massah, who teaches me to read ; and I read good book
that makes me happy.' — *I am glad,' replied I, *to hear
you say so ; and pray what is the good book you read ?*
* The Bible, Massah, God's own book.' — * Do you under-
stand, friend, as well as read, this book ? For many can
read the words well, who cannot get hold of the true and
good sense.'

" ' O Massah,' said he, ' I read the book much, before I
understand ; but, at last, I felt pain in my heart ; I found

% €xMt for t^ jItgtD.

257

things in the book that cut me to pieces/ — 'Ah!* said I,
'and what things were they V ' Why^ Massah, I found that
I had a bad heart, a very bad heart indeed ; I felt pain
that God would destroy me, because I was wicked, and
done nothing as I should do* God was holy, and I was
very vile and wicked ; I could have nothing from Him
but fire and brimstone in hell.'

'' In short, he entered into a full account of his convic-
tions of sin, which were indeed as deep and piercing as
almost any I had ever heard of ; and stated what Scriptures
came to his mind, which he had read, that both probed to
the bottom of his sinful heart, and were made the means of
light and comfort to his souL I then inquired of him what
ministry or means he made use of, and found that his
master had taught his Slaves to read, but had not conversed
with this Negro upon the state of his souL

''I asked him likewise, how he got comfort under all this
trial ? ' O Massah ! ' said he, ' it was Christ gave me com-
fort by his dear word. He bade me come unto Him, and
He would give me rest; for I was very weary and heavy
laden.' And here he repeated a number of the most pre-
cious texts in the Bible, showing, by his artless comment
upon them, as he went along, what great things God had
done in the course of some years for his soul* Being rather
more acquainted with doctrinal truths, and the Bible, than
he had been, or in his situation could easily be, I had
a mind to ascertain how far a simple experience, gra-
ciously given without the usual means, could preserve a
man from error ; and I therefore asked him several ques-
tions about the merit of works, the justification of a sinner,
the power of grace, and the like, and I own I was as much
astonished at, as I admired, the sweet spirit and simplicity
of his answers, with the heavenly wisdom that God had put
into the mind of this Negro.

" His discourse, flowing merely from the richness of
grace, with a tenderness and expression far ' beyond the

9i €6Mt fax tjit Mtpi.

reach of art,' perfectly charmed me* On the other hand,
my entering into all his feelings^ together with an account
to him, which he had never heard hefore, that thus and thus
the Lord, in his mercy, dealt with all his children, and had
dealt widi me, drew streams of joyful tears down hishlack
face; and we looked upon each other, and talked with that
inexpressible glow of Christian affection, that made me
more than ever believe, in what I have often too thought-
lessly professed to believe — the communion of sainis.

"I shall never foi^et how the poor creature seemed to
hang upon my lips, and to eat my very words, when I en-
larged upon the love of Christ to poor sinners — ^the free
bounty and tender mercy of God — ^the frequent and
delightful sense He gives of his presence — the faith He
bestows in his promises — the victories this faith is enabled
to get over trials and temptations — ^the joy and peace in
believing — the hope in life and death, and the glorious ex-
pectation of immortality. To have seen his eager, delighted,
animated air and manner, would have cheered and warmed
any Christian's heart, and have been a master-piece for any
painter. He had never heard such discourse, nor found
the opportunity of hearing it, before. He seemed like a
man who had been durown into a new world, and at length
had found company.

"Though my conversation lasted at least two or three
hours, I scarcely ever enjoyed the happy swiftness of time
so sweetly in all my life. We knew not how to part. He
would accompany me as far as he might ; and I felt, on my
side, such a delight in the artless, solid, unaffected experi-
ence of this pious soul, that I could have been glad to have
seen him oftener then, or to see his like at any time now;
but my situation rendered it impossible. I therefore took
an affectionate leave, with feelings equal to those of the <i'S?i
warmest and most ancient friendship; telling him that '^
neither the colour of his body, nor the condition of his
present life, could prevent him from being my dear brother

i3C

9i €rMt fax tjit Mt^n.

in our dear Saviour ; and that, though we must part now,
never to see each other again in this world, I had no doubt
of our having another joyful meeting in our Father's home,
where we should live together, and love one another,
throughout a long and happy eternity. ' Amen, Amen, my
dear Massah,* said he, — ^ God bless you, and poor me, too,
for ever and ever.'

'' If I had been an angel from Heaven, he could not
have received me with more ardent delight than he did ;
nor could I have considered him with a more sympathetic
r^[ard, if he had been a long known Christian of the good
old sort, grown up into my affections in the course of
many years."

BICHABD COOPSB.

The following testimony was issued by the Society of
Friends, at Little Creek, North America, respecting
Richard Cooper, a descendant of Africa, who died in
1820.

« Our esteemed friend, Richard Coopbb, departed this
life about the age of 100. He was a descendant of the
greatly oppressed Afiricans, a native of the island of Bar-
badoes, and, by birth, a Slave. At the age of IS or 14 he
was brought to this country and sold. Having frequently
changed owners, he at length became the property of a
member of the Society of Friends ; and at the time of the
total emancipation, by the Society, of its Slaves, he was
liberated from an immerited and unjust bondage.

" About this time, he became convinced of the religious
principles of Friends, which he ascribed to the tender
core and frequent admonition of his mistress, in directing
his mind to the principle of divine grace and truth in the
heart. He was a frequent attendant of Friends' meetings,
and, in advanced life, he requested to be admitted a
member of the society, and was received.

3i €rMt fst t^ j^tp.

His conduct and conversation, correspondiiig in a good
degree with his profession, he became generally respected
and beloved. By the people of Colour in his neighbour-
hood, he was consulted in most matters of controversy in
which they were interested ; and his good counsel always
tended to, and often effected, an amicable adjustment of
differences. He appeared generally concerned to promote
friendship and brotherly love ; and, in his friendly visits,
he mostly had a word of religious exhortation* Having
no school learning, and being desirous for advancement in
the knowledge of the best things, he would, when oppor-
tunities offered, request the Scriptures and other good
books to be read to him, esteeming them valuable in
directing the mind to that source from whence all true
wisdom comes. In his last sickness he expressed thank-
fulness that Friends had received him into membership,
and that he had been so favoured as not to have been bur-
densome, and hoped that his conduct had brought no re-
proach on the society. It was truly comfortable to visit
him. No murmuring, no complaining; he appeared thank-
ful and resigned — ^numbering the many mercies and bless-
ings which had been bestowed upon him — having a word of
encouragement or consolation for all. He expressed a
desire for the prosperity of the socie^, and particularly
for the rising generation, that they might be willing to
take the yoke of Christ upon them, and so become strength-
ening to their elder brethren, and fitted to stand firm in
the cause of truth ; of which, he said, they never would
have cause to repent.

^^Upon taking leave of those who visited him, he gene-
rally expressed something to them by way of blessing.
His last advice to his children was, that they should not
fall out about the littie he had to leave behind him.

'^Through the gradualdecay of nature, his long and useful
life was brought to a close ; and the belief is entertained,
that he has entered into the rest prepared for tiie righteous.

!l €xMt for t^ Mt^n.

" To record the Christian virtues of the deceased, that we
may imitate their example, is sanctioned by that voice
whifih spoke from Heaven, saying, 'Write, blessed are
the dead which die in the Lord, from henceforth : yea,
saitii the Spirit, that they may rest from their labours, and
their works do follow them.' "

TBSTIK0HIB8 SSSPSCTIHO THS BVSHXSH 07 SOUTH
A7BICA, WITH IHTBBB8TIH0 BXAXPLB8.

(FBOX PBIL1F*B "AFBICAN RE8EABCHE8.")

The Bushmen are doubtiess in a very ignorant and de-
graded state ; but what has been adduced in proof of their
incapability of being improved, affords a better criterion of
their depressed condition, than of- the absence of mental
capacity. Many of the accoimts which have been published
respecting the savage, ferocious, and imtameable character
of tiie Bushmen, can scarcely be read in Africa without a
smile. The civilization of that degraded people is not only
practicable, but might be easily attained : while they are
by no means deficient in intellect, they are susceptible of
kindness ; grateful for favours ; faithful in the execution
of a trust committed to them ; disposed to receive instruc-
tion ; and, by the use of proper means, could be easily
brought to exchange their barbarous manner of life for one
tiiat would afford more comfort.

In a journey undertaken into the interior of a colony in
1819, we had two Bushmen in our train. One of them
had only been a few months in the service of our missionary
when he joined us ; and we had not in our party any one
.that was more teachable, faithful, and obliging. During
the last four montiis of our journey, he served at table ;
and after a month's apprenticeship, conducted himself with
as much propriety as any English servant might have been
expected to do with as little training.

The following extract of a letter, dated 34tii Nov., 18S5,

% €jMt ht tjn jgtgrn.

from Sir J. Brenton, Bart., giving an account of a Bush*
man haj brought by him from the CSape of Good Hope,
may be adduced as strongly confirmatory of the opinions
which have been advanced of the talents and disposition of
the Bushmen people : —

" Hermes is an honour to his race, and a distinguished
proof of what these amiable people are capable of. He
possesses the sweetest disposition, and the strongest attach-
ments possible. With all the fun and merriment you re-
member in him, there is a depth of thought and solidity of
understanding that is really astonishing. He has been living
for the last year with my sisters at Bath, to whom he is
invaluable as a servant, and even as a friend. He heard
some time since, of an approaching confirmation, and ex-
pressed a wish to be confirmed. My sister mentioned it
to the Archdeacon, who requested to see him, and, after a
long conversation, pronounced him to have attained a most
extraordinary degree of knowledge in religion. He was
accordingly confirmed, and became the subject of universal
conveisation. A clergyman, who had heard of the circum-
stance, begged to see him, and cross-questioned him in eveiy
way. He asked him which of all the characters in the Old
Testament he should have wished to have been, had it been
possible. Hermes reflected for some time, and then said
firmly, * David, sir.' * What? sooner than Solomon, whose
prosperity was so great?' *Yes, sir; both were sinners;
but David, we know, repented of his sins ; while there is
no passage of Scripture which gives us the same opinion of
Solomon.' This is the substance of his answer, which
greatly surprised his auditors. His memory is wonderful :
he brings home every sermon, and comments upon it with
extraordinary exactness."

Col. Collins, in his report to government in 1809, speaks
of the Bushmen as being most liberally gifted by nature
vrith talents. To the same effect, the following passage,
related to me as a part of an address delivered by a

1 €tMt fBt tin Mt^n.

Bushman to his countrymen, at a missionary station, when
some colonists were present, maybe adduced as displaying a
very considerable knowledge of Scripture, and no mean
share of ability. " Why is it," said he, " that we are per-
secuted and oppressed by the Christians ? Is it because
we Kve in desert lands, clothe ourselves with skins, and
feed on locusts and wild honey ? Is there anything morally
better in one kind of raiment, or in one kind of food, than
another ? Was not John the Baptist a Bushman ? Did he
not dwell in a wilderness ? Was he not clothed with a
leathern girdle, such as we wear ? And did he not feed on
locusts and wild honey ? Was he not a Bushman ? Yet
Christians acknowledge John the Baptist to have been a
good man. Jesus Christ (whose forerunner he was) has
said that there has not arisen among men a greater than
John the Baptist. He preached the doctrine of repentance
to the Jews, and multitudes attended his ministry ; he was
respected even by the Jews, and preached before a great
king. It is true John the Baptist was beheaded, but he
was not beheaded because he was a Bushman, but because
he was a faithful preacher ; and where, then, do the
Christian men find anjrthing in the precepts or example of
their religion to justify them in robbing and shooting
US, because we are Bushmen ?'*

Sparrmann gives the following description of the manner
in which these people were treated when he travelled in
the colony of the Cape of Good Hope. ** The Slave busi-
ness, that violent outrage against the natural rights of man-
kind, which is always in itself a crime, and leads to all
manner of misdemeanours and wickedness, is exercised by
the colonists with a cruelty towards the Bushmen, which
merits the abhorrence of every one, though I have been
told that they pique themselves upon it : and not only is
the capture of the Hottentots considered by them merely
as a party of pleasure, but, in cold blood, they destroy the
bands which nature has knit between husband and wife,

% €rMt fin % 3ltp.

cL/Ll

and between parents and their children. Not content, for
instancCi with haying torn an unhappy woman from the
embraces of her husband, her only protection and comfort,
they endeavour all they can, and that chiefly at night, to
deprive her likewise of her infants ; for it has been observed,
that the mothers can seldom persuade themselves to flee
from their tender o£&pring."

In the instructions given to Col. Collins by the Colonial
Government, on his visit into the interior, among other
subjects on which he was called to collect information, his
attention was particularly directed to the Bushmen. Having
studied their character, as far as his opportunities allowed
him, he asserts, without the slightest qualification, — that
there is not upon the face of the globe a people possessed
of better natural abilities or more susceptible of mental or
moral improvement.

A Bushman, says Dr. Philip, on one occasion remarked,
that before they heard tiie Gospel, they had several times
stolen catde, but declared they would do so no more ; that
they now detested stealing, particularly as means were put
into their hands whereby tiiey might support themselves ;
and the missionary adds, in a letter in my possession, that
had the institution been continued, as far as civilization is
concerned, a better race of men could not, perhaps, have
been found.

A. Faure, a respectable colonial clergyman, writes as
follows, respecting the Bushmen: — " I visited," says he,
" the spot lately occupied by Mr. Smith, (at Toverberg,
South Africa). Here I found a beautiful garden, an ex-
cellent vineyard, fine wheat, &c., &c. Some of the Bush-
men, whom Mr. Smith baptized, had acquired very rational
ideas of the principles of the Christian religion ; and ap-
peared to feel its constraining influence in their habitual
conduct. They were zealous in trying to convey the same .^
inestimable blessings to their unhappy countrymen, who ^^ ^
lived without God, and without hope in the world. It

I !

% €nMt hx Iju Mt^.

was delightful to hear the children sing the praises of
Jehovah, and to witness the progress they have made in
spelling and reading. These facts, which have come under
my own observation, prove that the conversion of this race
of immortal beings is not impossible.*'

Uithaalder, the Bushman Chief of Toverberg, and a few
of his people, were baptized by the missionary Smith, and
their good sense and piety, and the improvement which
had taken place in their condition, excited the admiration
of others as well as the clergyman above quoted*

Some singular stories had been told us, says Dr. Philip,
while travelling in the colony, respecting the chief Uithaal-
der and his family. On their being driven from Toverbeig,
we were told that he and a few who adhered to him had
been cruelly treated ; that they were then hiding in the
most retired parts of the district ; that they were reduced
to live upon roots only, and what game they could catch in
the night ; that they were afraid to appear abroad in day-
light, for fear of being shot ; that, in this situation, they
kept up the worship of Ood among themselves, and that
the chief constantly exhorted them to remain steadfast in
their profession, and to continue instant in prayer to God
that he would again send them a missionary in the room of
those that had been taken from them.

AKtHOlTT WILLIAX AXO,

Bom in Gxiinea, was brought to Europe when very young;
and the Princess of Brunswick took charge of his educa-
tion. He pursued his studies at Halle, in Saxony, and at
Wittemberg; and so distinguished himself by hk talents
and good conduct, that the Rector and Council of the Uni-
versity of the last mentioned town, gave a public testimony
to them in a letter of congratulation.

Amo, skilled in the knowledge of the Latin and Greek

a €nMt fax tjn Mt^n.

languages, delivered with success, private lectures on pliilo-
sophjy which are highly praised in the same letter. In an
abstract, published by the Dean of the Philosophical
Faculty, it is said of this learned Negro, that having ex-
amined the systems of the ancients and modems, he selected
and taught all that was best of them. Besides his know-
ledge of Latin and Greek, he spoke Hebrew, French,
Dutch, and German, and was well versed in astronomy.

In 1774, Amo published dissertations on some subjects
which obtained the approbation of the University of Wittem-
berg, ai^d the degree of Doctor was conferred upon him.
The tide of one of these was ** Dissertib inauguralis philo-
sophica de hjimansd mentis AIIA8EIA : seu sensionis ac
facultates sentiendi in mente humana absentia, et earum in
corpore nostro organico ac vivo praesentia, quam prseside,
etc., publice defendit autor Ant. Gnil. Amo Ghiinea*afer
philosophise, ect. L. C. magister, etc., 1734, in 4*^, Witten-
bergae.**

Another was entitled ''Disputatio philosophica conti-
nens ideam distinctam earum quae competunt vel menti vel
corpori nostro vivo et organico, quam consentiente amplis-
simorum philosophorum ordine praeside M. Ant Guil.
Amo, Guinea-afer, defendit Joa. Theod. Mainer, philos.,
et J. V. Cultor, in 4^, 1734, Wittenbergae." At the con-
elusion of these works are letters of approbation from the
Rector of the University of Wittemberg, who, in speaking
of one of them, says : — " it underwent no change, because
it was well executed ; and indicates a mind exercised in
reflection." In a letter addressed to him by the president,
he styles Amo, " vir nobilissime et clarissime. Thus the
University of Wittemberg has not evinced a belief in the
absurd prejudice which exists against the Coloured portion
of mankind.

The Court of Berlin conferred upon Amo the title of
Counsellor of State, but after the death of his benefactress,
the Princess of Brunswick, Amo fell into a profound

% €xMt ht t|iB 3ligni.

267

melancholy, and resolved to leave Europe, in which he had
resided for SO years, and to return to the place of his hirth
at Axim, on the Gold Coast There he received, in 1753,
a visit from the intelligent traveller, David Henry Gallan-
dat, who mentions him in the Memoirs of the Academy of
Flessingue, of which he was a member. Amo, at that
time about fifty years of age, led there the life of a recluse.
His father and a sister were living with him, and he had a
brother who was a Slave in Surinam. Some time after, it
appears, he left Axim, and settled at Chama.

The Abbe Gregoire, from whose work the foregoing
particulars are translated, says, that he made unavailing
researches to ascertain whether Amo published any other
works, or at what period he died.

TOnSSAIKT L'OUYEBTUBE.

ToussAiNT L'OuvERTURE has been justly designated
" one of the most extraordinary men of a period in which
extraordinary men were numerous/' He is a remarkable
instance of genius exhibiting itself in the Negro race,
although, as in most other cases, having to contend with
circumstances very inconducive to the free growth either
of the moral qualities, or the intellectual faculties of the
mind. Among the individuals of the African race who
have distinguished themselves by intellectual achievement,
Toujssaint L^Ouverture is pre-eminent ; and while society
is waiting for evidence of what the Negro race at large can
do and become, it seems only rational to build high hopes
upon such a character as that of the nuui, who was, as a
Dictator and a General, the model upon which Napoleon
formed himself;* who was as inclined to peace as renowned
in war; and who will ever be regarded in liistory, as one
of the most remarkable men of an age teeming with social
wonders.

• See *<fiu>grapliie TTjiivenelle ;" art. " Toiusaint."

a €nMt fax tjn 3?Bgtn.

Toussaint was bom on the plantation of the Count de
Noe, situated a few miles from Cape Francois, in the
Island of SU Domingo, in 1743 or 1745. His parents
were African Slaves on the Count's estate. His father, it
is said, was the second son of Gaou Gruinou, the King of
a powerful African tribe, who, being taken prisoner by a
hostile people, was sold to some White merchants, who
carried him to St. Domingo, where he was purchased by
the Count de Noe. Being more kindly treated by his
master than is usually the lot of his race, the son of Gaou
Guinou was comparatively happy in a state of Slavery.
He married a fellow-slave, a girl of his own country, and
by her he had eight children, five sons and three daughters.
Of the sons Toussaint was the eldest.

The Negro boy grew up on the plantation, performing
such little services as he could, and altogether his life was
as cheerful, and his work as easy, as that of any Slave boy
in St. Domingo. The first employment of the little Negro
was to tend the cattle ; and the earliest recollections of his
character, were of his gentleness, thoughtfulness, and strong
religious tendencies. He had some of the advantages for
thought that the herdsmen of the East enjoy, — ^long days
of solitude, spent under a bright sky, with all the luxuri-
ance of. nature shed around, and an occupation which
required little of either the head or the hands. But all
this would be nothing to a mind which had never been
roused. Toussaint would have vegetated like the grass he
stretched himself upon, if some superior mind had not
given him thoughts, or excited him to think for himself:
whose mind this was, whether that of parent, master, com-
panion, or priest, is not knovm.

One thing is certain, that Toussaint's good qualities
soon attracted the attention of Bayou de Libertas, the
agent of the estate, who treated him kindly, and by some
means he learned to read and write, and acquired some
knowledge of arithmetic. But whether the agent caused

(iL/S/'

a ^rikitb fer tju jifp/

him to be taught, or whether he owed his knowledge to a
N^ro named Pierre Baptiste, or whether he learned by
noticing others, is disputed. Pierre Baptiste was a Black
on the same plantation, a shrewd and intelligent man, who
had acquired considerable information, having been edu-
cated by some benevolent missionaries. An intimacy
sprung up between Pierre and young Toussaint, and it is
probable that all that Pierre had learned from the mission-
aries, Toussaint learned from him. However this may
have been, certain it is, that the acquisitions of Toussaint,
which also included a little knowledge of Latin, and some
idea of geometry, were considerably more than were pos-
sessed by one in ten thousand of his fellow Slaves ; and it
would seem a fortunate circumstance, that so great a
natural genius should thus be singled out to receive the
imusual gift of a little instruction. Yet, what Toussaint
became, others of his race might have been also, had similar
advantages been administered to them as fell to his lot.

Toussaint*s qualifications, in conjunction with his regular
and amiable deportment, gained him the increased love
and esteem of his master, and led to his promotion. He
was taken from the labours of the field, and made the
coachman of M. Bayou, the overseer — ^a post of consider-
able dignity, — a situation, indeed, as high as a Negro
could at that time hope to fill.

. The increased leisure his situation afforded was em-
ployed in cultivating his talents, and collecting those stores
of information which enriched his mind, and prepared him
for a more extensive and important sphere of action. In
this, and in higher situations to which he was subsequently
advanced, his conduct was irreproachable, and while he
gained the confidence of his master, every Negro in the
plantation held him in respect. Though there is but little
recorded of his early life, it appears that he was noted for
his benevolence, and for a stability of temper that scarcely
anything could discompose. He was also remarkable for

a €nMt fer Iju 3lfgni.

duO

sedateness, and an invincible patience. His religion taught
him to endure patiently, and to refrain &om inflicting
upon others anything which he would not have inflicted
on himself. Through life, in the lowest humiliation of his
servitude, and in the majesty of his virtual sovereignty, he
was temperate in all kinds of enjoyments, and remarkable
for preferring the pleasures of the mind to those of the
body, manifesting singular strength of religious sentiment.

In person, Toussaint was about the middle size, with a
striking countenance, and a robust constitution, capable of
enduring great fatigue. At the age of twenty-five he married
a Negress, to whom he always manifested the most un-
swerving attachment, uniting with her in all the cares of
domestic life. They had several children, who became
objects of his tender, affectionate, and parental solicitude,
and they were brought up with great judgment and ten-
derness.

The subsequent remarkable career of Toussaint, which
led to his great renown, by constituting him the ruler
of the country in which he had been brought up a Slave,
is so intimately connected with the history of St. Domingo
that we must glance at the state of affairs which rendered
the island for several years a theatre of war and contention
between the White population and the Blacks.

At the period when the French Revolution broke out,
St. Domingo belonged partly to the Spaniards and partly
to the French. This beautiful island, which lies near to
Jamaica, is 390 miles long, and 140 broad, at its voidest
part. About two-thirds of it belonged to the Spaniards,
and the remainder, the western end, to the French. The
north and east coasts are barren ; but the interior spreads
into fertile plains, where the Spaniards were rich in wild
horses and cattle. The part belonging to the French was «xv,
divided into three provinces, in which were a few flourish-
ing towns, and many rich plantations cultivated by Slaves.
It contains some high mountains, and many beautiful

a €nkk firr tin Mtsca.

valleys, shaded with cacao groves and coffee plantations ;
while in the plains were fields of cotton, sugar, and tobacco,
separated from each other by hedges of limes, citrons, and
beautiful flowering shrubs.

The inhabitants of the French provinces of the island
were of three kinds — Planters, who were Whites, (French
men, or their descendants,) Free People of CSolour, and
Slaves. The numbers of these three classes were sup-
posed to be nearly as follows in 1790 : —

Whites 30,800

Free People of Colour . • 24,000
Slaves 480,400

So that there were nearly sixteen times as many Slaves
as Whites ; while, at the same time, the Free People of
Colour might, by themselves, have been almost a match
for the Whites in case of a war of the races.

When the French Revolution broke out, news arrived
in the colony of St. Domingo, of what was doing in France,
It might have been supposed that the Planters, a small
body of gentlemen, holding a laige number of Slaves, and
living in the midst of Mulattoes, to whom, though free,
they would not allow the rights of citizenship, would have
been anxious to prevent anything being said about the
Rights of Men, and upon Social Equality. It strangely
happened, however, that when they were speaking of Man
and his Rights, they were thinking only of White men ;
and it seems never to have occurred to them, that dark-
complexioned men would desire or endeavour to obtain
their share of social freedom. The Mulattoes, however,
considered that they were as much entitled to social liberty
of every kind as any other men; and while the White
planters were drinking popular toasts, and displaying the
banners sent over to them from France, and hailing a new
age of the world, (forgetting that they were all the time
oppressing the Mulattoes, and holding fellow-men as pro-
pci^yO their dusky neighbours were planning how they

% €xMt fBt tin Mt^.

might best claim from the French government the rights of
citizenship, from which they were shut out by the proud
Whites. A dreadfril war followed, in consequence of the
absolute refusal of the Whites to admit them to an equality.
The French government first favoured one party and then
the other, and thus exasperated the deadly hatred which
the two parties mutually bore.

The Slaves, for some time, kept very quiet, supposing
that they had no concern in the affair. Their masters were
so much in the habit of despising Negroes that they do not
appear to have dreaded their Slaves hearing anything about
the principles of liberty. It is not known whether the
Mulattoes stirred up the Slaves to attempt their freedom,
or whether they did it of their own accord. The Mulattoes
had been put down, for a time, by the Whites, and it is
probable they set the Slaves to rebel for them ; but all
that is known is, that a fire broke out on a plantation on
the northern part of the island, in August, 1791, and it
soon appeared that all the Slaves in the province were
acting in concert, and rising against their masters. The
north-western part of the island blazed with fires ; the
household Slaves were locked up by their owners ; and the
Whites began fortifying the towns.

When the insurrection of the Negroes commenced,
Toussaint was about forty-eight years of age, and still a
Slave on the plantation on which he was bom, in the
midst of the district in which hostilities first begun. Great
exertions were made by the insurgents to induce a N^ro
of his respectability and reputation to join them ; but he
steadily refused taking any part in the early revolutionary
movements, being one of the last to stir in the insurrection;
indeed, he was often heard to lament his brethren rising at
all. He feared and believed that their objects were revenge ^t^
and plunder ; he mourned over their excesses, and kept
quiet himself, in the conviction that it was better to en-
dure personal injuries than to avenge them. The moment.

t^.

'itim

% €nlntb &r tin Sfgw-

however, he perceived that the struggle was of a political
nature^ and that the rights of a class were in question, he
joinedhis brethren, and stepped ina moment out of Slavery
into freedom* He had nothing to do with the fires and mas*
sacres of August, 1791 ; hut joined the insurgents as soon
he was convinced that they had a principle of union, and
an end in view.

Many of the Planters had made their escape from the
island, and fled with their families to foreign countries ;
but the master of Toussaint was one, who, not having made
an early retreat, was on the point of falling into the hands
of the infuriated Blacks ; but his humane and beneficent
treatment of this worthy Slave was not forgotten. When
the plantation on which Toussaint had served was endan-
gered by the approach of the Negro forces, with con-
siderable care and ingenuity, and at the risk of his own
life, he secured the safety of his master and family, by
secreting them in the woods for several days, and finally
provided for their escape from the island, by putting them
on board an American vessel, with a considerable quantity
of produce, on which the fugitives might be enabled to
support themselves in exile. Nor did his gratitude end
here : after their settlement at Baltimore, he availed him-
self of every opportimity of making them such remittances,
as he could snatch from the wreck of their property, fre-
quently sending them some additional proof of his gratitude
and friendship. Conduct so noble, in the midst of such
barbarities as were then enacting, indicated great origin-
ali^^ and moral independence of character.

Having performed what he considered to be an act of
duty, in providing for the safety of his master, Toussaint,
who had now no tie to retain him longer in servitude, per-
ceiving both reason and justice in the struggle which his
oppressed race were making to regain their liberty, attached
himself to the body of Negroes. Presenting himself to the
Black General, Jean Fran9ois, he was received into the

diki)

% €xMt fiir tin Mtita.

army, in which he at once assumed a leading rank. A
certain amount of medical knowledge, derived in the course
of his reading, enabled him to unite the functions of phy-
sician with those of military officer, and he was called
physician to the forces. He soon rose from the rank of
aide-de-camp to that of colonel.

The army he had joined was under royalist commanders
in the Spanish part of the island, and was opposed to the
French republican planters. He knew and cared little for
the state of parties in France : he was fighting for his Black
brethren against their White oppressors, and for a long
time he was not aware that he was affording his favour in
testimony of the same despotic principles in France^ which
he was contending against in St. Domingo.

Toussaint was posted at Marmalade, with his Negro
troops, under the command of a Spanish general, when he
heard of the Decree of the French Convention, of Feb-
ruary 4th, 1794, which confirmed and proclaimed the
liberty of all Slaves, and declared St. Domingo to be an
integral part of France. This news opened his eyes to
the truth, that in opposing the republicans he was fighting
against the freedom of the Blacks. He lost no time in
opening a communication with Laveaux, the republican
commander ; and in afew days joined him with a considerable
Negro force, delivering up several Spanish posts of great
importance. The Spanish general, Hermona, had ex-
claimed, a few days before, on seeing Toussaint receive the
sacrament, that God never visited a purer spirit ; but now,
confusion and terror reigned among the Spaniards, and the
name of the Negro commander was reviled as it had before
been honoured. It is hinted by historians that ambition
was one cause of the defection of Toussaint ; that he had
little hope of rising to the rank held by Jean Franfois in ^rsp
the Spanish forces, while he hoped for a great addition to
his honours from the French general. Laveaux made him
brigadier-general, but watched all his movements, fearing

:^-.

l^gi

a €tMt hx tjit jifgrn.

that a man who had once changed sides might be liable to
change again*

The power which Toussaint speedily obtained over the
ignorant and barbarous soldiery^ (the released Slaves, whom
he commanded,) was indeed wonderful enough to fix the
attention of all who were around him, — the wisest and most
experienced of whom were as much under the spell of his
influence as the most degraded. It was by his observation
of men's minds, and by his own decision of character, that
he obtained this influence. He had not yet had the oppor-
tunity of showing valour : he was so far from eloquent that
his words were few, and the utterance of them awkward
and difficult; he had but just emerged from Slavery. But
he knew that the Blacks wanted a leader, and he felt that
he was the leader they wanted ; and this conviction gave
him a confidence in arrangement and action, which made
him the master of all the minds about him. To assist him
in his military operations, we are told in some curious notes
written by his son, '^ that, imitating the example of the
captains of antiquity, — Lucullus, Pompey, Caesar, and
others, he constructed a topographical chart of that part of
the island, marking accurately the position of the hiUs, the
course of the streams," &c. So much did he harrass the
commissioners, that when the Spanish posts fell, one after
another, into the hands of the French, one of them ex-
claimed, " Cet homme fait ouverture partout l" " This
man makes cm opening everywhere.*' This expression get-
ting abroad, was the cause of Toussaint being ever after-
wards called by the name of Toussaint L* Ouverture ; which
may be translated, Toussaint the Opener, or the Opening.
Toussaint, knowing the value of a good name too well
to disclaim the flattering addition, willingly adopted it,
building upon it an assurance to his dark brethren,
that through him they were to obtain a bright and peace-
ful future.

But the distrust with which Laveaux regarded Toussaint,

a €jMi fax tju Mt^^

seemed to doom him to inaction, and to fix the term of his
political career. For some time, the French commander
showed little disposition to place confidence in him. We
may easily conceive, that it must have been by slow d^rees
that a man in tiie position of Laveaux came to appreciate
the character of his Negro ofiicer. Laveaux had a difficult
task to fulfil ; nothing less, in fact, than the task of being
the first European to do justice in practice to the Negro
character, and to treat a Negro chief exactiy as he would
treat a European gentieman. Philosophers, such as the
Abbe Gxegoire and the Abbe Baynal, had indeed written
books to prove that ability and worth were to be found
among the Negroes, and had laid it down as a maxim that
a Negro was to be treated like any otiier man whose cir-
cumstances were the same ; but probably Laveaux was the
first European who felt himself called upon to put the
maxim in practice, at least in affidrs of any importance. It
is highly creditable, therefore, to tiiis French officer, that
when he came to have more experience of Toussaint
L'Ouverture, and discerned his extraordinary abilities, he
esteemed him as much as if he had been a French gentie-
man educated in the schools of Paris.

The immediate occasion of the change in the sentiments
of Laveaux towards Toussaint, was as follows. Li March,
1795, an insurrection of Mulattoes occurred at the town of
tiie Cape, and Laveaux was seized and placed in confine-
ment. On hearing this, Toussaint marched at the head of
10,000 Blacks to tiie town, obliged the inhabitants to open
the gates by tiie threat of a siege, entered in triumph, re-
leased the French commander from prison, and reinstated
him in office. In gratitude for this act of loyalty, Laveaux
appointed Toussaint lieutenant-governor of the island, de-
claring his resolution at the same time to act according to
his advice in all matters, whether military or civiL A say-
ing of Laveaux's is recorded, which shows the decided
opinion he had formed of Toussaint's abilities. " It is this

Mji>

i'j

% 'dCriiirtj fiit tjn jligrn.

277

Black," said he, ** this Spartacus, spoken of by Raynal,
who is destined to avenge the wrongs done to his race.*'

A wonderful improvement soon followed the appoint-
ment of L'Ouvertiure as lieutenant-governor of the island.
The first use he made of his power, was to establish order
and discipline among the Black population. Obedient to
their champion, they were speedily reduced under strict
military discipline, and submitted to aU the regulations of
orderly civil government. The success of Toussaint's en-
deavours is equally honourable to the people he governed
and to himself. France owed him an immense debt of
gratitude. Lacroix, a historian unfriendly to the Blacks,
wrote, that " if St. Domingo still carried the colours of
France, it was solely owing to an old Negro, who seemed
to be appointed by heaven to unite its severed members."
The war vrith the Spanish part of the island was soon
brought to a close, and Toussaint was left alone to support
the pride and the hopes of his Colour.

General Laveaux being nominated a member of the
French l^islature, was obliged to return to Europe. Gen.
Rochambeau now arrived in the island from France, to
assume the dignity of Commander-in-chief, but he foimd
himself a mere cipher. Toussaint ordered him on board a
vessel, and sent him home again. Soon after, he got rid
of Santhonax, another French official, by sending him with
dispatches to the French government. All this appears
excessively arbitrary ; but it remains doubtful how much
Toussaint's proceedings were owing to his personal ambi-
tion, or to his conviction that men fresh from France were
not qualified to govern Negroes. He was aware that the
peace and prosperity of the island depended on his keeping
all the power in his own hands ; and it is certain that he
did restore St. Domingo to a state of high prosperity ; that
the people were devoted to him ; and that no act of guilt
is knovni ever to have been perpetrated by him for the gra-
tification of his own ambition.

rMa^^cCh/o~'*^'.l^^t^_'P

a ^rilntte fiit tjn Mt^u.

commissioned to intimate to the French government the un-
easiness and trouble which would have been caused in the
island by the continued residence of Commissioner San-
thonax. In his letter to the Directory on this occasion,
he declared how great must be his confidence in the
Directory, when he delivered his children into their power,
at a time when the complaints which were alleged against
him might well cause a doubt of his good faith. " At pre-
sent," he added, " there is no inducement to interior agita-
tion. I guarantee, under my personal responsibility, the
submission of my Black brethren to order, and their felicity
to France. Citizen Directors, you may rely upon speedy
good results ; and you shall soon see whether I involve in
vain my own responsibility and your hopes."

The people of Paris received with a generous astonish-
ment the intelligence of the doings of the Negro prodigy,
and the interest they took in the novelty of the case, pre-
vented them from being angry. Indeed his conduct was
publicly praised at Paris. He was once more entitled the
deliverer of St. Domingo, and the Directory presented him
with a richly embroidered dress, and a suit of superb armour.

The French government, however, could not but be jea-
lous of him ; and General Hedouville was sent out to be
Commander-in-chief, and to attempt to restrain the Negro
Dictator. But Hedouville could compete with him no
better than his predecessors. When he arrived, Toussaint
went on board the ship to bid him welcome. The captain
of the ship, hearing Toussaint speak of the fatigues of go-
vernment, said, he should be proud, after having brought
out Hedouville, to carry back Toussaint. Toussaint replied
hastily, " Your ship, sir, is not large enough for a man like
me." Hedouville found himself a mere shadow, and soon
turned his face home again. Toussaint, though strictly
polite to him, paid no attention to his wishes or represen-
tations, except when they agreed with his own intentions.

The English still retained a footing in the island, but

1 €jMi fax tjit if tgriL

when it became clear that the j could not long retain pes*
session of their posts. General Maidand, seeing the hope-
lessness of continuing an enterprise which had already cost
so many British lives, opened a negotiation with Toussaint,
which ended in a treaty for the evacuation of the island.
It is said that in the archives of the capital of Hayti, there
is a copy of a proposition that Toussaint should be admow-
ledged by England, on condition of his agreeing to a treaty
of exclusive commerce with Great Britain. Toussaint was
too wary to agree prematurely to these proposals ; but he
accepted the evacuation of the British posts, and the rich
presents of plate, and two brass cannons offered by the
English general. He took possession of the^rindpal posts
amidst great pomp. The British troops Uned liie road : a
Catholic priest met him in procession with the host ; and
he was received and entertained in a magnificent tent^
with all the pomp of military ceremonial* After the feast,
he reviewed the British troops. He seems to have borne in
mind the intention of being made king of Hay ti ; for he
proclaimed a general amnesty, secured the old proprietors
in their estates, decreed and superintended the intelligent
prosecution of rural labour, and attached all the Creoles
by using his power to reinstate them in their rights* He
decreed that the former Negro cultivators, though now
free, should work for five years for their former masters,
provided they were well used, and allowed a fourth part of
the produce : and upon his thus pronouncing, the Blacks
flocked to the fields, with arms by their sides, and the hoe
in their hands ; so that all traces of the devastation of war
soon disappeared.

A characteristic anecdote is related of Toussaint^s con-
duct about this time. While General Maitland was
making preparations for qidtting the island, believing that ^H^
another personal interview between himself and Toussaint
was desirable, he returned the visit at the Negro camp*
With perfect confidence in Toussaint's integrity, the General

a tribute fer tl|t j&ignr.

did not hesitate to travel to him with only two or three
attendants, though his camp was at a considerable distance
from his own army, and he had to pass through a country
full of Negroes, who had lately been his mortal enemies.
The French Commissioner, Roume, thinking this afforded
a most favourable opportunity for serving the cause of the
French Government, wrote to Toussaint, urging him to
detain the British General as a prisoner. While General
Maitland was on the road towards the camp, he received a
letter, informing him of Roume's plot, and warning him
not to trust himself in the power of the Negro chief; but,
consulting the good of the service in which he was engaged,
and still relying on Toussaint*s honour, he determined to
proceed. When he arrived at the head quarters, Toussaint
was not to be seen, and the general was kept in waiting a
considerable time. At length Toussaint entered the room,
with two letters in his hand. " There, general," said he,
"before we talk together, read these: one is a letter just
received from Roume, the French Commissioner ; and the
other is the answer I am just going to despatch : — I would
not come to you until I had written my answer to him,
that you might be satisfied how safe you are with me, and
how incapable I am of baseness." General Maitland, on
reading the letters, found one of them to be from the
French commissioner, Roume, being an artful attempt to
persuade Toussaint to seize his guest, as an act of duty to
the republic ; the other was a noble and indignant refusal.
** What!" said Toussaint, in his letter to the perfidious
Frenchman, " have I not passed my word to the British
general ? How then can you suppose that I will cover
myself with dishonour by breaking it ? His reliance on
my good faith leads him to put himself in my power ; and
I should be for ever infamous, if I were to act as you
advise. I am faithfully devoted to the republic; but
will not serve it at the expense of my conscience, and my
honour."

' h

a ^ritralt for tin 5lrp.

The Mulattoes began to raJw a cry that the island vaa
sold to Great Britain, and that Slavery was to be re-
eatabUahed; and a cruel war enaaed between them and the /
Negroes; the Whites taking part with the one or the I
other, according to the position of their estates. On re- lij
ceiving tidings of the success and mmwacre on the part of I
Rigaud, a Mulatto chief, Toussaiut collected hia forces at
Port-au-Prince, the south-western capital, and commuided
the attendance at church of all the Mulattoes of the place. |'
He mounted the pulpit, and addressed them, predicting
his own success, and the ruin of their Colour, if they
opposed bim. ; I

For a time, however, the Mulattoes were successful, and
by means of treachery were enabled to defy him, and lift
up their heads in the north. But while they supposed 1 1
Toussaint to be shut up in Port-au-Prince, he was upon
them, having escaped a hundred dangers, and acted and
marched with incredible speed. He delivered the Whites
who were imprisoned, and sacrificed the traitors to whom I
he owed his temporary defeat. The Mulattoes, in utter |
despair, crowded into Cape Fran9oi3. Toussaint was in-
Btantly upon them Bgain. He convoked the authorities of
the place in the church, mounted the pulpit, and declared,
" The Men of Colour have been punished enough. Let {
them be forgiven by all, as they are by me. They may
return to their dwellings, where they shall be protected and
treated like brethren."

The enthusiasm excited by this unexpected clemency, ■
however great among those who had been trembling before
the conqueror, did not extend to their companions who
were in arms. The war was not over ; but Touasaint was
finally victorious. Towards the end of 1799, Kapoleon,
then First Consul, sent out commissioners to St. Domingo, *pC
to confirm Toussaint in his office of Commander-in-chief.
Rigaud, the Mulatto general, saw that his party was aban-
n, and set sail for France, and again it appeared

^AJd>

% €rMt ht tilt Jgtgro.

as if all promised peace and prosperity. Toussaint per-
ceived that there could be no permanent peace in the
Island, while any portion of it remained under Spanish
control ; and his first great error of policy seems to have
been in regarding exclusively the state of affiurs at home,
and overlooking or despising the force which might be
brought against him from Europe. He found little diffi-
culty in uniting the Spanish to the French portion of the
island under his sway. The city of St. Domingo delivered
its keys to him upon summons ; and the clergy, who were
very influential among the Spanish population, were in
favour of a devout ruler, who flattered their ambition with
the homage he rendered to themselves and their office.
They prepared the people to receive him in his progress
through the Island, with acclamations, and the uproar of
cannon and bells.

As the Islanders had now thrown off the shackles of
Slavery, it was necessary for the well ordering of govern-
ment, that a new Constitution should be formed. Tous-
saint, assisted by a council of his adherents, prepared a
Colonial Constitution, uniting the different inhabitants of
the Island under an impartial and uniform government ;
and the whole, after being submitted to^a general assembly
convened from every district, was approved and adopted,
and a proclamation thereof made in due form, in July, 180L
By this constitution, all executive power was put into his
hands, under the title of President for life, with power to
choose his successor, and to nominate to all offices. Every
part of St. Domingo, was now in quiet submission to the
Negro chief. In all that regarded commerce ^and finance,
the constitution worked admirably, during the short period
of its continuance. The commerce of all nations visited
the shores of the Island under the American fiag ; the
treasury filled ; the estates flourished ; and Toussaint was
adored. St. Domingo was rapidly improving in wealth and
happiness, under a wise administration; which, for its

^m.

% Crihttte fat tin jfftgrn.

U:)

ability, mildness, and integrity, was acknowledged to be
beyond all praise. Considering tbe interests of France
alone, the colony had never been in a more prosperous con*
dition. The Negroes gave every proof of industry, sub-
ordination, and content. They diligently cultivated the
plantations, and received the wages of their labour. They
submitted cheerfully to all those regulations virhich it was
thought necessary to establish ; and living in possession of
their freedom, were satisfied and happy. Those whose
merits had raised them to stations of honour and responsi-
bility, were as solicitous for the French interests as for the
preservation of their own freedom. In short, the colony
had seldom been more productive, the revenue which it
aiforded to the mother country more abundant, the persons
and property of the Planter more secure, nor the Negroes
themselves more industrious and peaceful. In this manner
things woiild no doubt have proceeded — the natives im-
proving in the arts of peace and civilization — the produce of
the island yielding increased wealth both to the proprietors
and to the' cultivators — till the distinctions of Colour and
the prejudicesfounded on them would have been forgotten —
and the whole state of things have presented a proof that
Whites and Blacks may, in all respects, become equals,
and regard each other as brethren — had not the restless
ambition of the usurper of France, disturbed the tran-
quility of the island, and suddenly renewed those contests,
which, it was hoped, had for ever ceased,

Toussaint having now become placed in a conspicuous
station, the excellencies of his character unfolded them-
selves more and more, as opportunities ojSered for their
devolopment; and the same amiable dispoisition which
adorned his humble life, continued to distinguish him in
his elevated position. He caused the duties of religion ({K''
and morality to be strictly enforced, and gave the whole
weight of his example and influence in favour of decency
and sobriety of life. He frowned upon every indication

. ■>

1 (Eriirate fer tiff Sfgrn.

of licentiousness of manners, and avoided all favourable
notice of persons, however otherwise graced, who were
not modest, quiet, and diligent in their vocation. His
public levees were conducted with the strictest decorum,
and the best private societies of Europe were not superior
in manners to his evening parties. Every thing was mag-
nificent around him, and his retinue as splendid as that
of an Oriental monarch ; but he was plain in his food, his
dress, and all his habits. He would make a meal of cakes
and fruit, with a glass of water. His bodily strength was
prodigious, and he maintained it by constant and vigorous
exercise. It was his custom to make sudden excursions
to various parts of the island, always choosing the points
where he was least expected. He sometimes rode 150
miles without rest, perpetually outstripping all his attend-
ants, except two trumpeters, who were as well mounted as
himself. After such fatigue, he would sleep for two hours,
and start up again, refreshed for new toils.

The following description of Toussaint was given by one
of his enemies : — " He has a fine eye ; and his glances are
rapid and penetrating. Extremely sober by habit, his
activity in .the prosecution of his enterprises is incessant.
He is an excellent horseman, and travels, on occasions,
with inconceivable rapidity, arriving frequently at the end
of his journeys alone, or almost unattended ; his aides-de*
camp and domestics being unable to follow him, in jour-
neys often extending to fifty or sixty leagues. He
allows very little time for his repose or his meals."

Toussaint was accessible to all who wished to see him ;
and it is said that no one ever left his presence dissatisfied :
if he could not grant a request, he contrived to please
the applicant. His generals were obedient as children
before him ; his soldiers regarded him as a superior being,
and the people at large worshipped him as their deliverer.
It is no wonder that the conviction existing in his mind,
escaped his lips, that he was the Bonaparte of St Domingo,

1 €nhk fat tin Mt^n.

and that the colony could not exist without him. This
was no more than a moderate expression of the truth.

That Toussaint was a great man is unquestionable.
Captain Rainsford, an officer in the British army, who
visited St. Domingo during the time of the reyolutionaiy
movements^ speaks in the following terms of the Negro
General. "Toussaint L'Ouverture, the present Com-
mandant of St. Domingo/' says he, "is one of those char-
actersy which contentions for power and the extension of
territory, as well as the jars of individual interest, have not
unfrequently introduced to astonish the world. He is
worthy of imitation as a man — ^he excites admiration as a
governor — and as a general, he is yet unsubdued, without
the probability of subjection ! His regard for the unfortu-
nate appears the love ofliuman kind ; and, dreaded by dif-
ferent nations, he is the foe of none. To the English he
is by no means inimical, and, in possession of many of the
blessings of humanity, he courts the acceptance of the
world. He is a perfect Black (bom a Slave), at present
about 4*5 years of age, of a venerable appearance, and pos-
sessed of uncommon perseverance. Of great suavity of
manners, he was not at all concerned in the perpetration
of the massacre, or in the conflagration. He is styled the
General-en-chef, and is always attended by four aides-de-
camp. He receives a voluntary respect from every descrip-
tion of his countrjrmen, which is more than returned by
the affiibility of his behaviour, and the goodness of his
heart. Of his civilities to myself, I have sufficient reason
to be proud. I met him frequently during my stay in his
dominions, and had no occasion of complaint, even from
his errors.**

If there was one trait in Toussaint*s character more con-
spicuous than the rest, it was his unsullied integrity. I%ai ^tk^
he never broke his ward, was a proverbial expression common
in the mouths of the White inhabitants of the island, and of
the English officers who were employed in hostilities against

a '^rihiife fax tin $t^n.

him. His spirit of forgiveness was remarkable. Though
for a considerable time he possessed unlimited power, he
neyer abused it : and in cases of injury, he displayed a
generosity of forgiveness, which would do honour to the
heart of the most enlightened potentate of Europe. Of this,
the following incident affords a memorable specimen. Four
Frenchmen, who had deserted from him with aggravated
treachery, were retaken ; and every one expected they
would be put to a cruel death. Leaving them, however,
in suspense as to their fate, Toussaint ordered them to
be brought into the church the following Sunday; and
while that part of the service was pronouncing which relates
to mutual forgiveness, he went with them to the front of
the altar, where, after endeavouring to impress upon their
minds the heinousness of their conduct, he ordered them
to be discharged without further punishment.

Toussaint had now reached the highest point of his pros-
perity. Fifty years of his life had been spent in an insen-
sible preparation for the prodigious work which the last ten
had achieved. His meditations in the groves, his specula-
tions under the starry heavens of the tropics, his study of
human powers and human destinies during the nights of
nearly half a century of Slavery, had now come into the use
for which he had little dreamed that they were designed.
He had been the means of forming a nation of FVee Men
out of a herd of Negro Slaves, and had taught them that
personal self-restraint is the only guarantee of social liberty :
he had fairly established the first civilized Negro commu-
nity ; and now it remained to show how the other species
of education which he had undergone had prepared him for
another fate ; how far his principles of religion and his
habits of patience could support him through the third, the
dreariest portion of his course. Two years of his life re-
mained to be passed in decline, in humiliation, struggle,
grief, and sickness, and it was in these two last years that
his greatest moral triumphs were achieved.

a €riliittf for tjrt JSfgni. ?-@*

Successful in all his schemes of improvement, Toussaint
had now only one serious cause for dread. While he ad-
mired Bonaparte, he entertained a secret fear of the projects
of that great general. Although Bonaparte had confirmed
him in his command, several circumstances had occurred to
excite alarm. He had sent two letters to Bonaparte, both
headed, " The First of the Blacks to the First of the
Whites," one of which announced the complete pacification
of the island, and requested the ratification of certain ap-
pointments which he had made, and the other explained
his reasons for cashiering a French ofiicial ; but to these
letters Bonaparte had not deigned to return an answer.
Not disheartened by this taciturnity, Toussaint again ad-
dressed him in respectful terms, and intreated his ratifica-
tion of the new constitution. Bonaparte, however, had
already formed the resolution of extinguishing Toussaint,
and taking possession of St. Domingo ; and the conclusion
of a treaty of peace with England in 1801 increased his
haste to effect the execution of his deceitful purpose. In
vain did persons acquainted with the state of the island
endeavour to dissuade him from this movement, by repre-
senting the evils which would arise. " I want," he said to
the minister Forfait, who was one of those who reasoned
with him on the subject — " I want, I tell you," said Bona-
parte, " to get rid of 60,000 men." This was probably the
secret of his determination to invade St. Domingo. Now
that the treaty with England was concluded, Bonaparte
felt the presence of so many of his old companions in arms
to be an incumbrance. There were men among them very
likely to criticise his government and thwart his designs,
and these it would be very convenient to send on a distant
expedition. Nay more, it would not be misrepresenting
Napoleon's character, if we were to suppose that some
jealousy of his Negro admirer mingled with his other views.
Be this as it may, the expedition was equipped. It con-
sisted of 26 ships of war and a number of transports.

|k^

»sLI4

a €nMt for t^ Mt^n.

carrying an army of SS^OOO men, the flower of the French
troops, whose valour had been previously tried in Europe,
who embarked reluctantly. The command of the army
was given to General Le Clerc, Bonaparte's brother-in-law.

The French squadron reached St. Domingo early in
180S. In all quarters the French were successful in effect-
ing a landing. Rochambeau, in landing with his division,
came to an engagement with the Blacks who had gathered
on the beach, and slaughtered a great number of them. At
Cape Fran9ois, Le Clerc sent an intimidating message to
Christophe, the Negro whom Toussaint had stationed there
as commander ; but the Negro replied that he was responsible
only to Toussaint, his commander-in-chief. Perceiving,
however, that his post was untenable, owing to the inclina-
tion of the White inhabitants of the town to admit Le
Clerc, Christophe set fire to the houses at night, and re-
treated to the hills by the light of the conflagration, carry-
ing 2000 Whites with him as hostages, not one of whom
was injured during the warfare which followed.

Toussaint was not idle all this while. He knew he might
trust to Christophe to deal with the city ; and he was busy
in the interior making preparations for a protracted war.
Le Clerc seems to have entertained a due dread of the
mighty Negro ; for he tried all devices to ensnare him be-
fore he drove him to bay. Among other seductions to
yield, he employed the two sons of Toussaint, who had been
educated at Paris, and who had been brought over in the
squadron. On their arrival at Cape Fran9ois, they were sent
with Coisnon their tutor, to Ennery, one of Toussaint's
country residences. The interview was a most affecting one.
Toussaint was absent at the time, but his faithful wife re-
ceived her sons as an affectionate mother might be expected
to welcome her children, after an absence of several years.
Improved both in stature and accomplishments, they now
appeared in the vigour and loveliness of youth.

The crafty Frenchman accepting an invitation to stay

% CriUt br tb JStgni.

until Toussaint should arrive, made use of this interval to
persuade his hostess, as he had done many others, that the
French government had no design against their freedom,
but only wished that by submitting they might be again
united. This tale was so artfully told, that the unsuspect-
ing wife, having a desire for tranquillity and its attendant
enjoyments, sent a messenger immediately for her husband,
who was at such a distance, that although he travelled with
all possible speed, he did not reach home until after the
middle of the second night.

The two sons ran to meet their father ; and he, with
emotions too great for utterance, clasped them silently in
his arms. Few who have any feelings of humanity could
have beheld such a scene without emotion. But the cold-
blooded emissary Coisnon beheld it veith a barbarous
apathy. When the first burst of parental feeling had a
little subsided, Toussaint stretched out his arms to enclose
him whom he regarded with respect as the tutor of his
children, and their conductor to the embraces of their pa-
rents. " The father and two sons," says Coisnon, " threw
themselves into each others arms. I saw them shed tears ;
and wishing to take advantage of a period I conceived to
be favourable, I stopped him at the moment when he
stretched out his arms to me." Retiring from the embrace
of Toussaint, Coisnon endeavoured to persuade him to ac-
cede to the proposals of Bonaparte : describing, in glowing
colours, the advantage to be gained by joining the French
government ; declaring that no design was entertained of
infringing on the liberties of the Blacks ; and desiring him
to reflect on the situation of his children, who, unless he
would submit, were to be immediately taken back, never
more, perhaps, to gladden the hearts of their parents. He
concluded his perfidious speech, by putting into Toussaint's fr\.
hand a letter from the French general at the Cape, accom-
panied by one from Bonaparte.

These letters were couched in all the arts of intrigue.

.A*"

'-> 1.

^vh>4jd>

% €rilratf fat tjfi j^igrOi

combined with that of persuasive eloquence. In the letter
from Bonaparte were the following expressions: — "We
have made known to your children, and their preceptor,
the sentiments by which we are animated — ^we send them
back to you — ^what can you desire ? the freedom of the
Blacks ? You know that in all the countries we have been
in, we have given it to the people who had it not." Tell
the people of St. Domingo, that " if liberty be to them the
first of wants, they cannot enjoy it but with the title of
French citizens." — " Rely without reserve on our esteem ;
and conduct yourself as one of the principal citizens of the
greatest nation in the world ought to do."

Isaac, the eldest son, next addressed his father, repre-
senting the great kindness his brother and himself had
received from Bonaparte, and the high esteem he had pro-
fessed for Toussaint and his family. The youngest son
added something that he had been taught to the same
effect ; and both, with artless eloquence, endeavoured to
win their father to a purpose, of the true nature of which
they had no suspicion. To their persuasions, were also
added the tears and entreaties of their distressed mother.

Toussaint appeared to hesitate amidst these tender Soli-
citations. Coisnon, the tutor, observing these appearances
with savage pleasure, got a little off his guard, and disco-
vered his base design. Toussaint now plainly perceived,
as he had suspected, that the subjugation of his race was
the aim of this invasion ; and he was neither to be threat-
ened nor tempted into any concession whatever. He with-
drew from the estate, where the youths remained for some
days, at the end of which Toussaint sent orders to them to
return to the fleet, with a letter to Le Clerc, which con-
tained the following: — "You have come to supplant me
by force of arms. You have detained the letter of the First
Consul to me till three months after its date ; and have
meanwhile put in jeopardy the order and liberties of the
Blacks by acts of hostility. The rights of my Colour

>i>-:t>^^

c^.

% ^rihttte for tjii J&Bgra.

impose upon me duties above those of nature ; to them I
am ready to sacrifice my children^ whom I send back to you,
that I may not be enfeebled and shackled by their presence.
I am more distrustful of France than ever, and must have
time to decide on the course I am to pursue.

Finding all his endeavours fruitless^ Le Clere hastened
to send back the sons, with a declaration that he agreed to
a truce of four days ; at the end of which time he would
outlaw the Negro Generals, if they did not come into the
service of France.

Toussaint had no idea of yielding. His first thought
was for the liberty of conscience of his sons. He left
them free to choose between him and France. ''My
children," said he, ** choose your duty. Whatever it be,
I shall always love and bless you." Placide declared that
he had done with France; and he fought by his father's
side. Isaac returned to the fleet

A declaration of outlawry was issued, as threatened,
against Toussaint and Christophe. Le Clerc used eveiy
means to secure the defection of the Negro troops, in
which he succeeded but too well ; a matter more of sorrow
than surprise, under the circumstances. The greatest
marvel of all Toussaint's achievements is that he was able
to do what he did with such social materials as he had at
command* When it is considered that the elements of the
society he ruled were Whites, first made arbitrary and
selfish by being Slave*owners, and then vindictive by being
deprived of their human property — Mulattoes made jealous
by social oppression — ^and Negroes debased by Slaveiy, it
is truly astonishing that, while left unmolested from with-
out, Toussaint was able to establish anything like order,
diligence, peace, and prosperity in the island. The pre*
sence of a foreign foe, who appealed to the jealousy, avarice,
and fears of the different parties in society, was sure to
disorganize his work for the time, and leave him a sacrifice
to the defection of his people. After much fighting and

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i I

' I

flis?

r^^

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«—

a (Krihutf ftr tjit 3?tgnr.

gome vicissitude, Toussaint, with his generals, and a small
body of troops, fortified themselves in a mountainous re-
treat. There Le Clerc pursued him, and lost 1500 men
in repeated vain attempts to dislodge him.

The Blacks issued forth at intervals, cut off the commu-
nication between different bodies of the invaders, and
assaulted the French when they were least expected. But
all was in vain. The discipline of the French troops
(amounting, with reinforcements, to 25,000 men) was too
much for him. He was sustained occasionally by bands of
labourers from the estates ; but the French were reinforced
to much better purpose by the arrival of 4000 fresh and
hardy soldiers from France. Christophe and Dessalines, his
two chief supporters, were compelled to submission : and
the time was come for Toussaint to make terms.

Toussaint called before him two of his prisoners, one a
military, the other a naval officer, and sent them as bearers
of a letter from him to Le Clerc, in which he intimated
that there might yet be room for negotiation. He exhi-
bited the war as having now become aimless and merely
cruel; but declared, finally, that he should always be
strong enough to bum, ravage, and destroy, and to sell
dearly a life which had been somewhat useful to the
mother-country as well as to his own race. Le Clerc was
only too happy to negotiate. 5000 of his men were slain ;
SOOOmore were in the hospitals ; and only 12,000 remained
in fighting condition.

The declaration of Toussaint's outlawry was rescinded,
and, a few days after, the fallen hero came boldly to greet
the French general. His appearance excited a strong sen-
sation, and the mountains reverberated with the salutes
fired in his honour from the forts and the squadron. All
heads were bowed as he passed, and the French were awed
by the homage paid to the Deliverer in his adversity.

Toussaint was followed by between 300 and 400 horse-
men, who remained in a defensive position, their sabres

% €tMt for % JJtgra.

drawn, during the conference between the two com-
manders.

Negotiations were now entered into, and a treaty was at
length concluded between LeClercand Toussaint L'Ouver-
ture, the conditions of which were, that Toussaint should
continue to govern St. Domingo as hitherto, Le Clerc act-
ing only in the capacity of French deputy, and that all the
officers in Toussaint's army should be allowed to sustain
their respective ranks, himself and his brother Christophe
being honoured with a dignified retirement from public Ufe.
A letter to Toussaint from the French general, about this
time, contained the following passage : " With regard to
yourself, you desire repose, and you deserve it I leave
you at liberty to retire to which of your estates you please."

The war now appeared to have reached a happy close ;
the Whites and Blacks mingled with each other once more
as friends ; and Toussaint retired to one of his estates,
called by his own name, situated on the south-west part of
the island, to lead a life of quiet and domestic enjoyment.
There, in the bosom of his remaining family, (for his two
sons who had been under the care of Coisnon, were lost
sight of after their return to the Cape with their perfidious
tutor,) he entered on that repose, of which he had long
been deprived, laying plans for the comfortable enjoyment
of the domestic circle, in his declining age, confidently re*
lying upon the solenm assurances that his person and pro-
perty should be held sacred.

But the instructions of Bonaparte had been precise, that
the Negro chief should be sent as a prisoner to France.
Many reasons recommended such a step as more likely than
any other to break the spirit of independence among the
Blacks, and rivet the French power in the Island. Although
Le Clerc had been put into nominal possession of the
colony and of the colonial army, Toussaint was the virtual
monarch of the island. His moral influence was incalcu-
lable; and while he lived and moyed in sight, the French

r-?

- /

(SKlU)

a iKrihitb for tjit jUfgra*

held but a deceptive Bovereignty. A glance of the great
man's eye, the lifting up of his finger, his lightest whisper,
were more than a match for all the drilled troops, all the
ships and ammuniton in France, and for all the wealth of
her treasury. Napoleon knew this : and accordingly Le
Clerc was now furnished with secret orders which em-
powered him to remove that influence by treachery which
he had been unable to overthrow by force.

Time pressed : it was difficult to take Toussaint, on ac-
count of his wariness, arid of the love borne to him by the
whole people. A deep stratagem served the purpose at
last, for the French general no sooner perceived the con-
fidence Toussaint had placed in him, than he committed
one of the basest and most infamous acts of treachery. The
district in which Toussaint resided was purposely over-
charged with French troops. The residents were discon-
tented, and made Toussaint the medium of their complaints.
General Brunet, to whom he applied, answered that he was
but imperfectly informed about the localities, and needed
the assistance of the fonner ruler of St. Domingo to deter-
mine the situation of the troops. " See these Whites ! "
exclaimed Toussaint, as he read General Brunet*s letter.
They know everything, and yet they are obliged to come
to the old Negro Chief for advice." He now fell into the
trap artfully laid for him. He sent word to General Bru-
net that he would come, attended by twenty men, and con-
fer with him, on the Georges estate, on the 10th of June.
General Brunet appeared at the appointed place and time,
escorted also by ^ men. He asked Toussaint in, and they
shut themselves up for business. Meanwhile the French
soldiers mixed in with the escort of Toussaint, engaged each
his man in light conversation, and, at an appointed signal,
sprang each upon his Negro neighbour, and disarmed him.
At the same moment, the French admiral, Ferrari, ap-
peared before Toussaint, and said, " I have orders from
General Le Clerc to arrest you. Your guards are captured :

296 % CrihtttB for tin 3^Bgrn,

our troops are everywhere : you are a dead man if you
resist. Deliver up your sword." Toussaint yielded his
sword in silence.

He was now conducted to his estate again— not, as his
adorers had trusted, to spend a vigorous and peaceful old
age in repose, surrounded by his family, and cherished by
the love of the people he had redeemed, but merely in
preparation for further insult and injury, and it now be-
comes our melancholy duty to record one of the blackest
acts committed by Napoleon. Agreeably to his orders,
the person of Toussaint was treacherously arrested, while
in his own house near Gonaives. Under cover of the night,
and while himself, and the faithful companion of all his
cares, were, with their family wrapped in silent sleep, un-
conscious of their danger, a band of soldiers surrounded the
house; and some of them entering his chamber, com-
manded him, with all his family, to go immediately on
board a vessel then in the harbour. Two Black chiefs,
who attempted the great man's rescue were killed on the
spot ; and about a hundred of Toussaint's most devoted
companions were arrested at the same time, and made pri-
soners, being sent on board different ships. Not one of
them was ever heard of more ; their fate is not known ; it
is supposed that they were thrown overboard.

Resistance being useless, he quietly submitted to hU awn
fate; but for Ins feeble wife and innocent ehildrenyhe asked
the privilege of their remaining at home. This request,
however just, was not granted ; and before their friends
and neighbours had any knowledge of it, the family, in-
cluding the daughter of a deceased brother, were on board
the " Hero " man-of-war, which immediately set sail for
France. To justify this base act, the French General cir-
culated a report, that Toussaint had engaged in a conspi-
racy ; but the time was so short, there could be no grounds
for even a suspicion of such a crime.

On meeting the commander of the " Hero," Toussaint

a €xMt fax tju 3ligra.

observed to him, " In overthrowing me, you have over-
thrown only the trunk of the tree of Negro liberty in St.
Domingo. It will arise again from the roots, because they
are many, and have struck deep." He spoke truly.
Slavery has never been re-established in Hayti. The
outrage upon Toussaint roused the whole Island. Chris-
tophe and Dessalines rose with their forces r the French
were pressed on every side ; and all the reinforcements
which were sent from France seemed to do them no good.
Even while Toussaint yet lived, 40,000 Frenchmen are
supposed to have perished in the Island. Although tor^
tures were established and inflicted an. the Blacks ; although
blood-hounds from Cuba were introduced to hunt them
down ; for every Black whom they destroyed, two seemed
to rise up ; and before the invaders relinquished the strug-
gle, they were reduced to feed on the carcases of the very
dogs they had brought in to destroy their Negro foes. On
the first of January, 1804, the independence of Hayti was
formally declared, and its inhabitants took their place
among the nations.

On their passage to France, Toussaint was kept a close
prisoner, and refused all intercourse with his family. He
was constantly confined to his cabin, and the door. was
guarded by soldiers. When they arrived at' Bresl, no tune
was lost in hurrying him on shore ;-ron the ^u^cigoj^lj-, wtm
he permitted to have an interview .with his wife, and chiU
dren, whom he was tp meet no more iij: this life. The
separation of this faithful pair, ^nd.their beloved ofl&pring,
was such as might be expected ; and excited in those who
beheld it, compassion for their fate.

The unfortunate Negro General was now escorted by a
detachment of dragoons to Paris, and comneatt^ to the
prison of the Temple. Napoleon frequently sent his aide-
de-camp, Cafiarelli, to him there, to queatipn him about a
large amoimt of treasure he was said to have buried. The
only answer that could ever be obtained from him was, ^' I

•2q

% €nMt fin; t^ 35fgra,

have lost something very different from such treasures as
you seek." When this disgraceful importunity was found
to be in vain, he was conveyed, by the orders of Bonaparte,
to the castle of Joux, in the east of France^ amongthe Jura
mountains. For the first few months of his captivity,
Toussaiut was allowed to be attended by a faithful Negro
servant. Mars Plaisir, but at length he was deprived of the
service of this single attendant, and winter approaching, he
was plunged into a cold, damp, and gloomy subterraneous
dungeon like one of the worst of criminals. It has been
confidently asserted by respectable authority, that the floor
of this dungeon was covered with water. Let the reader
imagine the dreadful situation of such a prison, to one who
had lived near three score years, enjoying the necessaries,
and, the latter part of his time, even the luxiiries of life,
in a West Indian climate — and he must feel a tender com-
passion for the poor — ^the afflicted — the suffering Toussaint!
It was while he, who had spent a long life under the
warm skies, and in the sunshine of the tropics, and in un-
ceasing activity of body and mind, was striving for patience
under the long torture of such an imprisonment as this,
that our poet Wordsworth wrote —

'* Toussaint, the moflt unliappy man of men I
Whether the whistling rustic tend his plough
Within thy hearing, or thou liest now
Buried in some deep dungeon's earless den; —
O miserable chieftain ! where and when
Wilt thou find patience ? Yet die not ; do thou
Wear rather in thy bonds a cheerful brow :
Though fallen thyself, never to rise again,
Live, and take comfort. Thou hast left behind
Powers that will work for thee— air, earth, and skies ;
There's not a breathing of the common wind
That will forget thee — thou hast great allies ;
Thy friends are exultations, agonies,
And loye, and man's imconquerable mind.*'

In the deplorable situation in which Toussaint was placed,
without any alleviation, he lingered through the winter.

dL.

'-zr-^r

C^>4Ji

a €rilitttt for tjit Htgra.

After an imprisonmsnt of ten months, during which nothing
is known either of his thoughts or sayings, the Negro Chief
was found dead in his dungeon. The severities of confine-
ment in this inhospitable prison had killed him, as hia foes
doubtless intended it should, although no formal or reason-
able charge had ever been brought against him^ This melan-
choly termination to his suflerings took place on the 27th
of April, 1803, when he was about 60 years of age. His
death, which was announced in the French papers, raised a
cry against the government which had chosen this dastardly
method of destroying one of the best and bravest men of
ihe Negro race.

We have now completed a brief history of this remark-
able Negro. Reader, was not this a man in all respects
worthy of the name ? He was altogether African, — ^a per-
fect Negro in his organization, of a jet complexion, yet
a fully endowed and well accomplished man. In no respect
does his nature appear to have been unequal ; there was
no feebleness in one direction, as a consequence of unusual
vigour in another. He had strength of body, strengtli of
understanding, strength of belief, and, consequently, of
purpose; — strength of affection, of imagination, and of will.
He was, emphatically, a Great Man ; and what he was,
others of his race may equally attain to.

299

A OLAHCE AT TEE SUBSEQUEHT EI8T0BT 07
ST. DOXIHGO, OBEATTI.

That Toussaint L'Ouverture, whose life we have just
sketched, ^' was not a mere exceptional Negro, cast up as
it were once for all, but that he was only the first of a series
of able Negroes, and that his greatness may be fairly taken
as a proof of certain capabilities in the Negro character,
will appear from the history of St. Domingo subsequent
to his imprisonment and death."

The forcible suppression of Toussaint*s government, and

% f rthittt fst t^ jitp.

1 «.

W his treacherous removal from the island, did not prove a
^^^ happy stroke of policy. Le Clerc, with all the force com- ^

mitted to his care by Bonaparte, signally failed in his de-
signs. The contemptuous and cruel manner in which he
treated the Blacks, and the attempts made to restore them
to Slavery, provoked a wide spread insurrection. Inde-
pendent of the natural right of the Negroes to liberty,
their freedom had been declared by the French govern-
ment, who now attempted to enslave them again. Could
it be for a moment expected that they would allow this
without making any resistance ? They had felt the rigours
of Slavery, and endured them too long to be forgotten.
They were now in possession of their freedom, and were
not to be suddenly deprived of it without making one effort
in its defence.

Toussaint's old friends and generals, Dessalines, Chris-
tophe, Clervaux, and others, rose in arms, and all the re-
sources of European military skill opposed to them were
in vain. The French were soon driven out of several
important positions. In 1802 Le Clerc died, and was suc-
ceeded in the command by Rochambeau, a determined
enemy of the Blacks. Cruelties such as Le Clerc shrunk
from, were now employed to assist the French arms. The
Whites, regarding the Blacks as a species of brutes, had
recourse to such methods of cruelty and death, as would
be selected only for the purpose of exterminating a dan-
gerous and destructive race of animals ; to barbarities worse
than had ever before stained the annals of any people pre-
tending to the character of civilization. All the male
Negroes and Mulattoes they could lay their hands on were
murdered in the most shocking manner. Five hundred of
these unfortunate beings were at one time shot near Cape
Fran9ois ; and an equal number were, on another occasion^
coolly massacred in view of the Negro army. Thousands
were carried on board the vessels in the harbour, and were
either suffocated in the holds, or thrown overboard in chains

a €tMt fax tin Mt^m.

and drowned« Even these methods failed to accomplish
the horrid purposes of blood-thirsty tyrants — ^till at length
they had recourse to the dreadful expedient of hunting and
destroying the unhappy victims of their rage by blood-
hounds. These animals^ pursuing the Negroes to the parts
of the moimtains inaccessible to their no less bloody em-
ployers, easily gained their retreats, and devoured all who
were so unfortunate as to be discovered. Such of the
Black prisoners as had evinced the greatest zeal and activity
in defence of liberty, were selected from the rest, and on
the Sabbath were dragged to a spot dxosen for the purpose,
and in sight of thousands of spectators, were thrown to
these terrible animals and torn to pieces. In short, the
attempt was founded in injustice, commenced by treachery,
and conducted in a manner the most inhuman and barbarous.
To the arms, the treachery, and the cruelty of the French,
what had the Negroes to oppose ? By what means were a
body of men, in a great measure ignorant of all that was
necessary to a successful enterprise, trained in the school
of Slavery, and knowing little except its rigors, frequently
destitute of a sufficient number of leaders, and but ill-fur-
nished with arms, to contend successfully with troops
trained to every mode of war&re, and stimulated by a re-
solution to subdue, or to exterminate. However hopeless
their case for some time appeared, they determined on re-
sistance as long as there should be any left capable of op-
posing their enemies. They first united in one body and
entered into a common vow, either to expel their oppres-
sors, or to die in the attempt. " La Liberte ou la mort!"
was their rallying cry ; and though there appeared little or
no prospect of success, they ever felt animated by the con-
viction, that they fought in the best of causes — the cause
of freedom and independence. Right and justice were on
their side ; they felt it so, and it rendered them uncon-
querable. In the early part of the contest, they were de-
prived by treachery of their ablest leader ; but his loss

1 €xMt ht tlft 3SBgnr,

served only to increase their rage, and consequently to
render them more formidable. During this severe struggle,
they displayed a degree of courage and firmness, with a
patient endurances of privations and sufferings, far above
their condition and character. At the same time they
sought and found opportunities of revenge ; and the cruel-
ties which they perpetrated were perhaps equal in number
and atrocity to those committed by their oppressors. But
it will be remembered that they were, in the first instance,
compelled to take up arms in their defence, by the unjust
designs of the French ; and were then urged by their sub-
sequent barbarities, to avail themselves of every occasion and
mode of retaliation. They fought for liberty ; and if they
found that the only way to secure it was through blood, it
was an alternative to which their enemies had reduced them.
Nor will those who have paid attention to the circumstances
of the war, hesitate to consider the French as chiefly charge-
able with the horrors, cruelties, and massacres of this san-
guinary contest.

After a doubtful and desperate struggle, success crowned
the exertions of the Negroes. They expelled their foes,
secured their rights, and took possession of the island,
which their toils and sufferings had purchased ; and in
1804, at an assembly of generals and chiefs, its indepen-
dence was declared, and all present bound themselves by
an oath to defend it. At the same time, to mark their
formal renunciation of all connection with France, it was
resolved that the name of the island should be changed
from St. Domingo to Hayti, the name given to it by its
original Indian inhabitants.

Dessalines was appointed Governor-General of the Island
for life, but subsequently changed his title to that of Em-
peror. He was solemnly inaugurated under the name of
James I., Emperor of Hayti ; and the ceremony of his
coronation was accompanied by the proclamation of a new
constitution, the main provisions of which were exceedingly

r.)

1;^

"vi -i -'

(kklld)

!A €rikte &r tjff jStgni,

judicious. Entire religious toleration was decreed^ schools
were established, public worship encouraged, and measures
adopted, similar to those which Toussaint had employed for
creating and fostering an industrial spirit among the Ne-
groes. As a preparation for any future war, the interior of
the Island was extensively planted with yams, bananas, and
other articles of food, and many forts were built in advan-
tageous situations. Under these regulations the Island
again began to show symptoms of prosperity. Dessalines
was a man in many respects fitted to be the first sovereign
of a people rising out of barbarism. Bom a Slave, he
was quite illiterate, but had great natural abilities, united
to a very ferocious temper. His ynte was one of the
most beautiful and best educated Negro women in Hayti.
For two years Dessalines continued to govern the Island;
but at length his ferocity provoked his Mulatto subjects
to form a conspiracy against him, and in 1806 he was as-
sassinated by the soldiers of Petion.

A schism now took place in the Island. Christophe,
who had been second in command, assumed the govemnent
of the northern division, and Petion, the Mulatto general,
assumed the government of the southern division. For
several years a war was carried on between the two rivals,
but at length, by a tacit agreement, Petion came to be
regarded as a legitimate governor in the south and west,
and Christophe in the north. Christophe, trained Hke Des-
salines in the school of Toussaint L'Ouverture, was bom a
Slave, but was an able as well as a benevolent man ; though,
like most of the Negroes who had arrived at his period of
life, he had not had the benefit of any systematic education.
Petion, on the other hand, had been educated in the Mili-
tary Academy of Paris, and was accordingly as accomplished
and well-instracted as any European oflScer. The tide with
which Petion was invested, was that of President of the Re-
public of Hayti, in other words, President of the republican
part of Hayti ; the southern and western districts preferring

(L^

% €nMt fnr tjiB j^tgra.

the republican form of government. For some time Chris-
tophe bore the simple title of chief magistrate, but was, in
all respects the president of a republic like Petion. In
1811, by the desire of his subjects, he assumed the title
of Henry I., king of Hayti. The coronation was cele-
brated in the most gorgeous manner ; and the creation of
an aristocracy took place, the first act of the new sovereign
being to name four princes, seven dukes, twenty-two counts,
thirty barons, and ten knights.

Both parts of the Island were well governed, and rapidly
advanced in prosperity and civilization. On the restora-
tion of the Bourbons to the French throne, some hope
seems to have been entertained in France, that it might be
possible yet to obtain a footing in the Island, and commis*
sioners were sent out to collect information respecting its
condition ; but the conduct both of Christophe and Petion
was so firm, that the impossibility of subverting the inde-
pendence of Hayti became manifest. It was therefore left
in the undisturbed possession of the Blacks and Mulattoes.

In 1818 Petion died, and was succeeded by Oeneral
Boyer, a Mulatto who had been in France, and had accom-
panied Le Clerc in his expedition. In 1820, Christophe
having become involved in difierences with his subjects,
shot himself; and the two parts of the Island were then i
reunited under the general name of the Republic of Hayti,
General Boyer being President. In 1825, a treaty was
concluded between him and Charles X. of France, by
which the latter acknowledged the independence of Hayti,
in consideration of a payment of 150 millions of francs
(six millions sterling), which was afterwards reduced to 60
million francs (£2,400,000). In the political constitution
of the island, no change of any importance has taken place
till the present time ; and the republic of Hayti continues ^^
to be governed by a president elected for life, and two
legislative houses ; one, a senate, the other, a chamber of
representatives*

^:ntife!j?-:Lit

IdTJlHLIM IM'Nl-.l'iftTiON

31 €xMt kt t^ Mt^n.

According to recent accounts of this interesting island,
the annual exports amounted to upwards of thirty millions
of pounds of coffee, six millions of pounds of Ic^wood, one
million of pounds of cotton, five millions of feet of maho-
gany, besides considerable quantities of tobacco, cigars,
sugar, hides, wax, and ginger.

The Roman Catholic religion predominates, but all other
sects are tolerated. In the principal towns there are go-
vernment schools, some of them on the Lancasterian plan.
In the capital there is a military school ; and there are a
number of private academies in the Island. In 1837 the
revenue of Hayti was 8,852,576 dollars, and its public ex-
penditure 3,713,102 dollars. The social condition of the
island is one of advancement, and though many traces of
barbarism remain, it contains a population of Blacks, who
in the short space of fifty years, have raised themselves
from the depths and the degradation of Slavery to the con-
dition of a flourishing and respectable state.

Not many years ago, the master of an American vessel,
who had visited different ports in Europe and America,
stated to the writer, that the customhouse at Cape Haytian
was under as good regulation, if not better, than the cus-
tom houses of London and New York. " The officers of
the custom were all Black men,'* said he, ** and yet the or-
der, correctness, and despatch of business, were remarkable,
equalling any thing of the kind I ever saw."

" This interesting people have shown to the world," says
a foreign writer, " for 50 years, that Black men can govern
themselves, creditably maintain all the relations of civil
society among themselves and with other states, and be-
sides paying a large indemnity to France for their indepen-
dence — ^which they never should have submitted to — ^place
themselves in the enviable situation of having ' a happy
peasantry, a country's pride,' and having an exchequer clear
of debt, which many older states cannot boast."

The state papers of the Republic of Hayti, have ever

% Crikttb fer tjit 3Stp.

been distinguished for the ability with which they are writ-
ten ; and the gentlemen from that Island who have yisited
the United States on business, or for other purposes, have
well supported the character which the people of Hayti
have established among civilized nations, many of whom
are men of refinement, education, and wealth.

KOTICE OF A 80H OF TOVSSAIHT L'OVYEBTVBK

The following notice of a son of Toussaint L'Ouverture,
is from a letter written by a member of the Society of
Friends at Exeter, about the commencement of the present
century.

A Bible Meeting being convened in that city, the
audience were unexpectedly impressed by the powerful
speech of '^ a young Black from St. Domingo, son of the
late General Toussaint, a most interesting youth, who^
having escaped from Napoleon, the murderer of his father,
had, by a variety of providences, been brought to England,
and to the knowledge of God. This knowledge he ob-
tained through reading the Scriptures, and fervent prayer
that they might be opened to his understanding. He
seemed to be swallowed up in love to his Divine Protector,
and to his creature man ; desirous that all the inhabitants
of the world might be brought to the same source of never
failing consolation he himself experiences.

" The amiable Toussaint left Exeter next morning. As
he returned from Honiton, after the meeting, when he had
passed the door, we felt as we formerly did when we had
parted with some of our dearest friends in the ministry ;
nor do I ever remember the presence of the Most High more
evidendy felt than when he was in our house for a short
time, when he addressed the language of consolation to our
aged parent, and afterwards poured forth his fervent sup-
plications on her behalf. I was almost lost in amazement
at this unexpected occurrence, for although we had been

(L^'-

t I

a €rilrab &t tjji jltgri.

given to imderstand that he was a serious youth, we had no
idea that he was so eminently favoured. Our joy at thus
meeting with one whom we can call a brother beloved, was,
fmd is, mixed with a fear for him, lest by any means his
mind should be diverted from its religious exercise. May
he be preserved in the hollow of the Almighty's hand, that
nothing may separate him from the love of his Creator.
His manners are graceful and elegant; his disposition
affectionate, and his person handsome for a Black ; before
religion exerted its influence, he was proud and obstinate."

GE077BXT L'ISLET.

Geoffirey L'Islet, a Mulatto, was an officer of artillery,
and guardian of the dSpot of maps and plans of the Isle of
France. In 1786, he was named a correspondent of the
French Academy of Sciences, and is acknowledged as such
in the '^ Connoisance des temps*' for 1797, to which learned
society L'Islet regularly transmitted meteorological obser-
vations, and sometimes hydrographical joiunals. His maps
of the Isles of France, delineated according to astronomical
observations, were published with other plans, in 1791, by
order of the minister of marine. A new edition appeared
in 1802, corrected from drawings transmitted by the author.
Gregoire speaks of them as the best maps of those isles
that had appeared.

In the almanac of the Isle of France, several contribu«
tions of L'Islet's were inserted, among others a description
of Pitrebot, one of the highest mountains of the Islands.

A collection of his manuscript memoirs are deposited in
the archives of the Academy of Sciences. Amongst these
is the account of a voyage of L'Islet to the Bay of St.
Luce, an island of Madagascar ; it is accompanied with a
map of the Bay, and of the coast. He points out the ex-
changeable commodities, the resources which it presents,
and which would increase, says he, if instead of exciting

^ €xMt fax tjit jlrp.

the natives to war, in order to obtain Slaves, industry were
encouraged by the prospects of advantageous commerce*
The description he gives of the manners and customs of
the natives of Madagascar is very curious.

L*Islet was well versed in botany, natural philosophy,
geology, and astronomy. He struggled more succesfully
than many against the prejudices attached to his race. He
never visited Europe to improve his taste or acquire know-
ledge ; had he been able to do this in his youth, to breathe
the atmosphere of the learned, it would have probably
tended to the expansion (^ his genius and talents.

L*Islet established a scientific society in the Isle of
France, of which some Whites refused to become members,
merely because its founder was a Black. '' Did they not
prove, by their conduct," asks the Abbe Gbegoirej '' that
they were unworthy of such an honour ? **

XAFIB OXHBB08ITT.

Captain Stockenstrom, at the time of the commando
of the expedition against Makanna, had once the misfor-
tune, while walking in the rear, to be taken suddenly ilL
He was thus, imobserved by his men, left behind, unable
to move and ignorant of the way. He expected that as
soon as he was discovered by the enemy he would be in-
stantly put to death. While in this anxious predicamoit,
he observed a solitary Kafir approaching him, armed with
a bundle of arrows. As soon as the Kafir, who ¥ras one of
the enemy's warriors, ascertained his case, without saying
a word, h^laid down his mantle and arms at his feet, and
darted off at full speed. Captain Stockenstrom could form
no idea what was his intention, until in about an hour, to
his agreeable surprise, he saw him return, accompanied by
a Boor on horseback, leading another horse. The Kafiir
having resumed his mantle and arrows, suddenly disappeared
in the jungle, and captain S. rode to rejoin his party.

a €xMt ht t|ii Mt^u.

After peace was concluded, captain S. made every exer-
tion in his power to ascertain the name of his deliverer,
but without effect, nor did he ever come forward to claim
the reward that captain S. publicly announced his desire
to bestow for such noble conduct in an enemy.

CAPITBIH.

James E. J. Capitein was bom in Africa. He was pur-
chased when seven or eight years of age, on the borders of
the river St. Andre, by a Negro trader, who made a pre-
sent of him to one of his friends.

By his new master, who proved to be his friend, he was
first named Capitein ; and he instructed him, baptized him,
and brought him to Holland, where he acquired the lan-
guage of the country. He devoted his time to painting,
for which he had a great inclination. He commenced his
studies at the Hague, where a pious and learned lady, who
was much occupied in the study of languages, is said first
to have taught him Latin, and the elements of the Greek,
Hebrew, and Chaldean tongues. From the Hague he
went to the University of Leyden, meeting everywhere
with zealous protectors. He devoted himself to theology,
under able professors, with the intention of returning to
Africa, to preach the Gospel to his countrymen.

Having studied four years, Capitein took his degrees,
and in 174S, was sent as a Christian minister to Elmina,
on the Gold Coast. In 180S, a vague report was spread,
that he had abjured Christianity, and embraced idolatry
again. Blumenbach, however, who inserted a portrait of
Capitein in his work on the varieties of the human race,
could detect no authentic information against him.

The first work of Capitein is an elegy in Latin, on the
death of Manger, minister at the Hague, his preceptor and
his friend. It is as follows : —

Hao autem in Batayonun gratissima sedd
Kon primvni tantom elementa UngttB Bdgioo

% ^rilntfo for tjit ^tgnt.

Addidioi, sed arti etiam piotorioa, in quam
Eram pro pensissiiniis, dedi operam Yirum
Interea tempore labente, inBtituUoni sua
Domestica catechesios mlhi interease permitit
Yir humaniflsimus, Joannes Phillipas Manger,
Cujus in obitum (oiun tanti yiri, turn
Solidor eruditionis, turn erga deum singularia
Pictatb, admirator semper extitissim) flebilibos
Fatis. Cum Ecclesior Hagienis protenio anno
Esset ademptns, lugubrem faano co m pers u i
Elegiam!

ELEGIA.

Invida mors totum vibrat sua tela perorbem :

Et gestit quemyls succubuisse sibi.

Ula, metilis expers, penetrat condavia regom :

Imperiiqiie manu ponere soeptra jubet.

Non sinit ilia diil partes speotare triumphos :

Idnquere sed cogit, dara tropoea duces.

Diyitis et gasas, alils ut dividat, omnes,

Mendicique casam yindicat ilia sibi.

Faloe senes, juyenes, nullo discrimine, dura,

Instar aristarum, demittit illa simnL

Hio fuit ilia audax, nigro yelamine teota.

Limina Mangeri soUicitare domiis.

HujuB ut ante domum steterat fiinesta cypressos,

Luctisonos gemitus nobilis Haga dedit.

Hunc laorymis tinxit grayibus carissima oonjux,

Bum sua tundebat peotora seepe mann

"Non. aliter Naomi, cum te yinduata marito,

Profudit lacrymas, Elimeleche, tua.

Siepe sui manes ciyit gemebunda mariti,

Edidit et tales ore tremente sonos ;

Condit ut obscuro yultum yelamine Phoebus,

Traotibus ut terns lumina grata neget ;

O decus immortale meum, mea sola yoluptas !

Sic fugis ex oculis in mea damna meis.

Kon equidem inyideo, oonsors, quod te ocyor aura

Transtulit ad lostas sthereas que domos.

Sed quoties mando placidie mea membra quieti,

Siye dies yeniat, sum memor usque tui.

Te thalamus noster raptum mihi funere posoiti

Quia renoret nobis fosdera rupta dies ?

En tua sacra deo sedes studiisque dioatai

% €TMt fax % 3&tp.

Te propter, miMti Bigna doloris habet.
Quod magis, effusas, yeluti de flumine plonOy
Dant laorymas nostri pignora cara tori.
DentibuB ut misere fido pastore lupinis
CoubcIbso tenersB diajiciunter oree,
Aeraque horrendia, feriitnt balatibiu altum,
Diuoa sdasiim adspiciunt yooe oientque dooem :
Sic qnemliB nostras implent ululatibus sedes
Bum jacet in leoto corpus inane tuum.
Snocinit huic yatum viduiB pia turba querent!,
Eunera qu» oelebrat oonyeniente modo
Grande sacerdotum deous, et mea gloria oessat,
Delicium domini, gentis amorque piiB !
dauditor os.blandum sacro de fonte rigatum ;
Fonte meam possum quo relerare sitim !
Hei mihi ? quam subito fugit facundia lingusD,
Gnlesti dederat qu» mihi meUe frui.
Nestoris eloqium yeteres jactate poetce,
Ipso Mangerius Kestore major erat, &c.

On his admission to the University of Leyden, Capitein
published a Latin dissertation on the calling of the Gen-
tiles, ** De Vocatione Ethniconim," which he divided into
three parts. From the authority of the sacred writings he
establishes the certainty of the promise of the gospel,
which embraces all nations, although its manifestation is
only gradual. For the purpose of co-operating in this
respect with the design of the Almighty, he proposes that
the languages of those nations should be cultivated to
whom the blessings of Christianity are yet unknown ; and
also that Missionaries be sent among them, who, by the
mild voice of persuasion might gain their affections, and
dispose them to receive the truths of the gospel.

The Spaniards and the Portuguese, he observes, exercise
a mild and gentle treatment of their Slaves, establishing no
superiority of colour, &c. In other countries, Planters
have prevented their Negroes from being instructed in a
religion which proclaims the equality of men, all proceed-
ing from a common stock, and equally entitled to the bene-
fits of a kind Providence, who is no respecter of persons.

312 a ^rilmtf fin; t^ jligriu

The Dutch Planters, persuaded that Slavery is incon-
sistent with Christianity, but stifling the voice of con-
science, probably instigated Capitein to become the apolo-
gist of a bad cause, for he subsequently composed a
politico-theological dissertation in Latin, to prove that
Slavery is not opposed to Christian freedom. His con-
clusions are forced. Though poor in argument, it is rich
in erudition, and translated into Dutch, by fTUheur, and
published with a portrait of the author in preacher's attire.
This work went through four editions.

Capitein also published a small quarto volume of Ser-
mons, in Dutch, preached in different towns, and printed
at Amsterdam in 1742.

CHBISTIAir KIHDHSS8 IH AH AVBICAH.

" In one of jpj early journeys," says Moffat, " with
some of my companions, we came to a heathen village on
the banks of the Orange River. We had travelled far, and
were hungry, thirsty, and fatigued. From the fear of
being exposed to lions, we preferred remaining at the
village to proceeding during the night. The people at the
village, rather roughly, directed us to halt at a distance.
We asked water, but they would not supply it. I offered
the three or four buttons which still remained on my
jacket for a little milk ; this also was refused. We had
the prospect of another hungry night at a distance from
water, though within sight of the river. We found it diffi-
cult to reconcile ourselves to our lot ; for, in addition to
repeated rebufis, the manner of the villagers excited sus-
picion.

'* When twilight drew on, a woman approached from
the height, beyond which the village lay. She bore on her
head a bundle of wood, and had a vessel of milk in her
hand. The latter, without opening her lips, she handed
to us, laid down the wood, and returned to the village. A

» ^'

% €nMt to tju Mt^n.

second time she approached with a cooking vessel on her
head, and a leg of mutton in one hand, and water in the
other. She sat down without saying a word, prepared the
fire, and put on the meat. We asked her again and again
who she was* She remained silent, till affectionately en-
treated to give us a reason for such unlooked for kindness
to strangers. The solitary tear stole down her sable cheek
when she replied, ' I love Him whose servant you are ; and
surely it is my duty to give you a cup of cold water in his
name. My heart is full ; therefore I cannot speak the joy
I feel to see you in this out-of-the-world place.* On learn-
ing a little of her history, and that she was a solitary light,
burning in a dark place, I asked her how she kept up the
life of God in her soul, in the entire absence of the com-^
munion of saints. She drew from her bosom a copy of the
Dutch New Testament, which she had received from Mr.
Helme, when in his school some years previous, before she
had been compelled by her connexions to retire to her
present seclusion. ' This,' she said, ' is the fountain whence
I drink ; this is the oil which makes my lamp bum.'*

I looked on the precious reUc, printed by the British and
Foreign Bible Society ; and the reader may conceive how
I felt, and my believing companions with me, when we met
with this disciple, and mingled our sympathies and prayers
together at the throne of our Heavenly Father,

t»

OTHELLO.

All the information I can glean respecting the Negro
Othello, is, that he published at Baltimore, in 1788, an
essay against the Slavery of his race.

" The European powers,'* says he, " ought to unite in

•

* Chriflt alone is the well of liring water, and from Him flows alone the
oil whereby the lamp is fed. The inspired words of Scripture, applied to
her soul by the Holy Spirit, continually brought comfort and peace to this
solitary Christian.

a €n\aAt fax tjn Jlfgrn.

abolishing the infernal commerce in Slaves : it is they who
have covered Africa with desolation. They declaim against
the people of Algiers, and they vilify, as barbarians, those
who inhabit a comer of that portion of the globe, where
ferocious Europeans travel to purchase men, and carry
them away for the purpose of torture. These are the peo*
pie who pretend they are Christians, whilst they degrade
themselves by acting the part of an executioner." " Is not
your conduct," adds Othello, " when compared with your
principles, a sacrilegious irony ? When you dare to talk
of civilization and tlie Gospel, you pronounce your anathe-
ma. In you, the superiority of power produces nothing
but a superiority of brutality and barbarism. Weakness,
which calls for protection, appears to provoke your inhu-
manity. Your fine political systems are sullied by the
outrages committed against human nature and the Divine
Majesty. When America opposed the pretensions of Eng-
land, she declared that all men have the same rights of
freedom and equality. After having manifested her hatred
against tyrants, ought she to have abandoned her principles f
Whilst we should bless the measures pursued in Penn-
sylvania in favour of the Negroes, we must execrate those
of South Carolina, which ev^n prevent the Slaves fix>m
learning to read. To whom can these unfortunates then
address themselves ? The law either neglects or chastises
them."

Othello paints in strong colours the griefs and sighs of
families suddenly torn asunder and forcibly dragged from
the country which gave them birth, — a country always dear
to their heart, from the remembrance of kindred ties and
local impressions. So dear to them, indeed, does it remain,
that one of the articles of their superstitious credulity, is
to imagine, that after death they will return to Africa."
With the happiness which they enjoyed in their native soil,
Othello contrasts their horrible state in America ; where,
naked, hungry, and without instruction, they see all the

i^z.

1 €nMt hx t^ Ktp.

evils of life accumulate on their heads. He desires that
their cries may reach to heaven, and that heaven may an-
swer their prayers. Few works can be compared to this of
Othello's, for force of reaBoning, and fire of eloquence )
but, alas ! how little can reason and eloquence perform,
when opposed by avarice and crime ?

TAKES DEBHAK.

This intelligent descendant of Afiica, originally a Slave
in Philadelphia, was sold to » medical man, who employed
him as an assistant in the preparadon of drugs. During the
American war he was sold to a surgeon, and by him to Dr.
Dove, of New Orleans, He learned the ^English, French,
and Spanish languages, so as to speak them with ease.

He was received a member of the Bnglish church ; and
in 1788j when about 21 years of age, he became one of the
most disdnguished physicians at New Orleans, " I con-
versed with him on medicine," says Dr. Rush, " and found
him veiy learned. I thought I could give him information
concerning the treatment of diseases ; but I learned more
from Aim than he could expect from me,"

The Pennsylvania Society, established in favour of the
people of Colour, thought it their duly, in 1789, to publish
these facts ; which are also related by Dickson. In the
Domestic Medicine of Buchon, and in a work of Duplaint,
we find on account of a cure for tlie bite of a rattlesnake.
It is not clear whether Derham was the discoverer ] but it
is a well known fact, that, for this important discovery, we
are indebted to one of his Colour, who received bis freedom
from the general assembly of Carolina, and also an annuity
of £100.

AVXCDOTX OF TWO VBaBOIS IB VBAIOB.
In the most flourishing period of the reign of Louis
XIV., two Negro youths, the sons of a prince, being

iky.

% €rMt ht % Mt^u.

brought to the court of France^ the king appointed a Jesuit
to instruct them in letters, and in the Christian religion ;
and gave to each of them a commission in his guards. — The |
elder, who was remarkable for candoiur and ingenuity, made '
great advances, more especially in the doctrines of religion. I

A brutal ofGcer, in a dispute, insulted him with a blow. | '
The gallant youth did not so much as offer to resent it. i
One of his friends spoke to him that evening alone upon
his behaviour, which he told him was too tame, especially
in a soldier. " Is there then,'* said the young African,
" one revelation for soldiers, and another for merchants and
gownsmen ? The good father to whom I owe all my know- i
ledge, has earnestly inculcated in me the forgiveness of in- |
juries ; assuring me that a Christian was by no means to
retaliate abuses of any kind.'* '' The good father," replied ,
his friend, " may fit you for a monastery by his lessons,
but never for the army, and the rules of a court. In a
word," continued he, '* if you do not call the officer to an
account, you will be branded with the infamy of cowardice,
and have your commission taken from you." '^ I would
fain," said the young man, '* actconsistently in every thing:
but since you press me with that regard to my honour
which you have always shown, I will wipe off so foul a
stain ; though I must own I gloried in it before."

He desired his friend to appoint the aggressor to meet
him early in the morning. They met and fought ; and the
brave African youth disarmed his adversary, and forced him
to ask his pardon publicly. This done, he threw up his
commission, and desired the king's leave to return to his
father. At parting, he embraced his brother and his friends,
with tears in his eyes, saying, ** he did not imagine the
Christians had been such an unaccountable people; and
that he could not apprehend their faith was of any use to m^:
them, if it did not influence their practice. In my coun-
try, we think it no dishonour to act according to the prin-
ciples of our religion.

«)

a ^ribrfe far tjn iltgrn.

KIVDVS88 07 A COLOUBSD 7EXALB TO
CAFTAIV BAIV870BD.

When Captain Rainsford, a British officer, was in St,
Domingo in 1799, he was arrested from suspicions as to his
being a spy. During fourteen days' imprisonment, he was
touched with the sympathy of a Coloured female, who
brought him refreshment to the window of his cell. He
records this circumstance in the following words : '^ I can-
not omit to pay the tribute of gratitude to an unknown
female of Colour, whose pity, more than her power, would
have alleviated the horrors of my situation. She came
occasionally in the night to the window of my cell, which
looked into a court, to which she found access by an avenue
that was unguarded. She brought me food, wine, and
spirits, the remains of which, to prevent enquiry, she was
anxious should be destroyed. The humane sympathy ex-
pressed by her in these nocturnal offerings to misery, have
repeatedly brought to my remembrance the eulogium of
Ledyard, on a sex ever prone to tender offices."

THOMAS JBBKIB8.

Thomas Jenkins was the son of an African king, and
bore externally all the features of the Negro. His father
reigned over a country on the coast of Guinea, resorted to
by British vessels for the purchase of Slaves. The Negro
sovereign having observed the superiority civilization and
learning gave to the Europeans, resolved to send his eldest
son to Britain, that he might acquire the advantages of
knowledge. He bargained with Captain Swanstone, a
native of Hawick, who traded to the coast for ivory, gold
dust, &c., that the boy should be taken by him to his own
country, and returned in a few years fully educated, for
which he was to receive a certain consideration in the pro-
ductions of Africa. The boy recollected a little of the scene
which took place on his being handed over to Swanstone.

% €xMt fax t|f Mtpa.

His father came with his mother^ and a number of Sable
courtiers, to a green eminence near the coast, where,
amidst tears, he was formally consigned to the care of the
British trader, who pledged himself to return his tender
charge, some years afterwards, endowed with as much learn-
ing as he might be foimd capable of receiving. He was
then conveyed on ship-board, where the fancy of the master
conferred upon him the name of Thomas Jenkins.

Swanstone brought his protege to Hawick, and was about
to take the proper means for fulfilling his bargain, when he
died. No provision having been made for such a contin-
gency, the young Negro was thrown upon the wide world,
not only without the means of obtaining an education, but
destitute of everything necessary to supply more pressing
wants. Swanstone died at the Tower Inn at Hawick,
where Tom very faitMully attended him, though almost
starved by the cold of a Scottish winter. After his guar-
dian had expired, he was in a state of the greatest distress
from cold, till the landlady brought him to her kitchen
fire, where he found a climate agreeable to his nerves, and
he was ever after very grateful for her kindness. After
remaining some time at the inn, a farmer in Teviot-head,
the nearest surviving relation of his guardian, took charge
of him, and he was removed to his house, where he soon
made himself useful in humble duties. When he left the
inn, he understood hardly a word of English ; but here he
speedily acquired the dialect of the district, with all its
pecidiarities of accent and intonation. He lived in this
family several years, in the course of which he was succes-
sively advanced to the offices of cow-herd and driver of
peats to Hawick for sale on his master's account, which he
discharged very satisfactorily. After he had become a
stout boy, Mr. Laidlaw of Falnash, a gentleman of great
respectability and intelligence, took a fancy for him, and
prevailed upon his former protector to yield him into his
charge. Black Tom, as he was called, became at Falnash

a €xMt hx tju Mt^n.

a sort of Jack-of-all-trades. He acted as cow-herd at
one time, and stable-boy at another : in short, he could
turn his hand to anything. It was his especial duty to go
errands to Hawick, for which a retentive memory well qua*
lified him. He afterwards became a regular farm-servant
to Mr. Laidlaw, and while in this capacity, he first disco-
vered a taste for learning. How he acquired his first in-
structions is not known. The boy probably cherished a
notion of duty on this subject, and was anxious to fulfil,
as far as his unfortunate circumstances would permit, the
designs of his parent. He picked up a few crumbs of ele-
mentary literature at the table of Mr. Laidlaw*s children,
or interested the servants to give him what knowledge
they could.

In a short time, Mrs. Laidlaw was surprised to find that
Tom began to have a strange liking for candle-ends. Not
one about the farm-house could escape him. Every scrap
of wick and tallow he fell in with was secreted and taken
to his loft above the stable, and suspicions were entertained
respecting the use he made of them. Curiosity incited the
people about the farm to watch his proceedings after he
had retired to his den ; and it was then discovered, to the
astonishment of all, that the poor lad was engaged, with a
book and a slate, in drawing rude imitations of the letters
of the alphabet. On the discovery of his literary taste,
Mr. Laidlaw put him to an evening school, kept by a neigh-
bouring rustic, at which he made such rapid progress as to
excite astonishment all over the country, for no one had
ever dreamt of his becoming a scholar.

Though daily occupied with his drudgery as a farm-ser-
vant, he began to instruct himself in Latin and Greek. A
boy friend lent him several books necessary in these stu-
dies ; and Mr. and Mrs. Laidlaw did all in their power to
favour his wishes, though the distance of a classical academy
was a sufficient bar, had there been no other, to prevent
their giving him the opportunity of regular instruction. In

a €jMi firr % Jltgnr.

speaking of the kind treatment lie received from these wor-
thy individuals, his heart was often observed to swell, and
the tear to start into his honest dark eye« Besides ac-
quainting himself with Latin and Greek, he initiated him-
self in the study of mathematics.

A great era in Tom's life was his possessing himself of a
Greek dictionary. Having learned that there was to be a
sale of books at Hawick, he proceeded thither, in com-
pany with his boy friend. Tom possessed twelve shillings,
saved out of his wages, and his companion vowed that
if more should be required for the purchase of any parti-
cular book, he should not fail to back him in the compe-
tition — so far as eighteen-pence would warrant, that being
the amount of his own little stock. Tom at once pitched
upon a lexicon as the grand necessary of his education, and
began to bid for it. All present stared with wonder when
they saw a Negro competing for a book which could only-
he useful to a student at a considerably advanced stage. A
gentleman named Moncrieff, who knew Tom*s companion,
inquired with great curiosity into the seeming mystery.
When it was explained, and Mr. Moncrieff learned that
thirteen shillings and sixpence was the utmost extent of their
joint stocks, he told his young friend to bid as far beyond
that sum as he chose, and he would be answerable for the
deficiency. Tom had now bidden as far as he could go, and
he was turning away in despair, when his young friend
threw himself into the competition, and soon had the satis-
faction of placing the precious volume in the hands which
were so eager to possess it. Tom carried off his prize in
triumph, and, it is needless to say, made the best use of it.

It may now be asked — ^what was the personal character
of this interesting African ? We answer at once — ^the best
possible. He was mild and unassuming, free from every < tr^
kind of vice, and possessing a kindliness of manner which [^
made him the favourite of all who knew him. In fact, he
was one of the most popular characters in the whole district

^MJd)

a €nMt fax % Stgrn-

of Upper Teviotdale. His employers respected him for
the faithful and zealous mamier in which he discharged his
duties, and all were interested in his efforts to obtain know-
ledge. Having retained no trace of his native language,
he resembled, in every respect except his colour, a Scotch
peasant : only he was much more learned than most of
them, and spent his time more abstractedly. He was
deeply impressed with the truths of Christianity, and was
a regular attender on religious ordinances. Altogether, he
was a person of the most worthy and respectable properties,
and, even without considering his meritorious struggles for
knowledge, would have been beloved and esteemed wherever
he was known.

When he was about twenty years of age, a vacancy oc-
curred in the school of Teviot-head. A committee was
appointed to examine the candidates : among three or four
competitors appeared the Black farm-servant of Falnash^
with a heap of books under his arm. The committee was
surprised ; but they read his testimonials of character, and
put him through the usual forms of examination. His
exhibition was so decidedly superior to the rest, that they
reported him as the best fitted for the situation.

For a time this prospect was dashed. On the report
coming before the presbytery, a majority of the members
were alarmed at the idea of placing a Negro in such a
situation, and poor Tom was voted out of all the benefits
of the competition* He suffered dreadfully from this sen-
tence, which made him feel keenly the misfortune of his
colour, and the awkwardness of his situation in the world.
But the people most interested in the matter felt as indig-
nant at the treatment which he had received, as he could
possibly feel depressed. The heritors, among whom the
late Duke of Buccleuch was the chief, took up the case so
warmly, that it was resolved to set up Tom in opposition
to the teacher appointed by the presbytery, and to give
him an exact duplicate of the salary which they already

^ €n\ak ki % Mt^n.

paid to that person. A place was hastily fitted up for his
reception, and he was immediately installed in office, with ^^^
the uniyersal approbation of both parents and children.
The other school was completely deserted ; and the Negro,
who had come to this country to learn, soon found himself
fully engaged in teaching, and in the receipt of an income
more than adequate to his wants.

To the gratification of his friends, and confusion of face
to the presbytery, he proved an excellent teacher. He
had a way of communicating'knowledge eminently success-
ful, and was as much beloved by his pupils as he was re-
spected by those who employed him. On the Saturdays,
he walked to Hawick (eight miles distant), to make an
exhibition of what he had himself acquired during the
week, to the master of an academy there ; thus keeping up
his own gradual advance in knowledge. His untiring zeal
for religious instruction shewed itself in his always return-
ing to Hawick next day — (of course an equal extent of
travel) — ^to attend the church.

After he had conducted the school a year or two, finding
himself in possession of about £20., he determined to spend a
winter at college. He waited upon Mr. Moncrieff (the gen-
tleman who had enabled him to get the lexicon, and who had
since done him many other good offices), to consult him
concerning the step he was about to take. Mr. Moncrieff,
though accustomed to regard him as a wonder, was surprised
at this new project. He asked the amount of his cash.
On being told that £20. was all, and that he contemplated
attending the Latin, Greek, and mathematical classes, he
informed him this would never do : the money would
hardly pay his fees. Tom was much disconcerted at this ;
but his generous friend soon relieved him, by placing in
his hands an order upon a merchant in Edinburgh for what- fk(5>
ever might be required to support him for a winter at
college.

He pursued his way to Edinburgh with his £20. On

a €tMt kt t|» Mt^n.

applying to the Professor of Latin for a ticket to his class,
he looked upon him with wonder, and asked if he had
acquired any rudimental knowledge of the language. Mr.
Jenkins, as he may now be called, said modestly that
he had studied Latin for a considerable time, and was

anxious to complete his acquaintance with it. Mr. P

presented him with a ticket, for which he generously re-
fused to take the usual fee* Of the other two professors
to whom he applied, both stared as much as the former,
and only one took the fee. He was thus enabled to spend
the winter in a most valuable course of instruction ; and
next spring returned to Teviot-head, and resumed his pro-
fessional duties.

A gentleman, animated by the best intentions, subse-
quently recommended Thomas Jenkins to the Christian
Knowledge Society, for a missionary among the colonial
Slaves ; and he was induced to go out to the Mauritius,
where he attained eminence as a teacher, and is probably
still living there.

VOTICB OF AH IVTELLIGBVT VEGBO.

OOMMUHICATEO BT CAPTAIN WATJCHOPB, B.N., IN A LETTER TO TUB AUTHOR,

DATED FEB. 37, 1848.

Dear Sir,

I think the following statement may be worthy of a place
in the volume you are now publishing.

In 1837, I commanded her Majesty's frigate *' Thalia,"
on the west coast of Africa ; and when in Clarence Cove,
in the island of Fernando Po, I spent the day on shore
with that very worthy and excellent man, Mr. Becroft,
who at that time was in chaj^e of the establishment there.
My purser had occasion that forenoon to draw a bill on
government for £250. ^ which was cashed by Mr. Scott, a
Negro. I dined with Mr. Becroft the same day, and Mr.
Scott, who was chief clerk of the establishment, was one
of the guests. I was struck with his intelligence and

a €n\aAt fat tjn 3?Bgm

gentlemanly behaviour, and when alone with Mr. Becroft
afterwards, I mentioned how much surprised I had been
with the whole of Mr. Scott's conduct and conversation :
his reply was — " You wiU be more surprised when I tell
you that ten years ago Mr. Scott was in the hold of a
Slaver."

He had been educated at Sierra Leone, and found his
way afterwards to Fernando Po. I believe that few Euro*
pean intellects would have made such a stride in so short
a space of time.

I have the honour to remain, sir,

Your obedient servant,

R. WAUCHOPE,
Captain R.N.

d^^^

FT7BTHBB OBSSSYATIOKS BESPBCTDTG

VEGBO CHABACTS& AVD ABILITY;

COMMUNICA.TED BT CAPT. WAUCHOPB, R.N.

Dacre, near Penrith, April 8, 1848.

Dear Sir, — Although I am not able to give you any
further account of the history of Mr. Scott, whom I men-
tioned to you in my last letter, yet I cannot refrain from
giving you my notes of the state of the liberated Africans
at Sierra Leone during the years 18S4-5-6-7, when cruizing
upon the west coast of Africa in command of H.M. Ship
Thalia, being then flag-captain to Sir Patrick Campbell.

We were invited to an official dinner at the Chief Jus-
tice's, at which were present most of the official people of
rank, and many of the principal merchants of Free Town*
After dinner, the conversation turned upon the state of the
liberated Africans, of whom all spoke very highly. The
Chief Justice appealed to the gentlemen of authority pre-
sent, as well as to the merchants, whether, upon a trial
where life or property were concerned, a liberated African
jury was not as much to be trusted as any jury in Great

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a ^rilntte fiit tjn jSfgtD*

Britain, and all agreed that they would as soon trust to the
yerdict of a jury of liberated African householders as to
any jury of the same description in England. This, I think,
requires no comment, as I consider it a decided proof of
the equality of intellect between the White and Coloured
man when cultivated.

There have been many opinions respecting the character
of the Coloured people brought over to Sierra Leone and
other places. We hear one opinion given — ^that they are
generally a hard working, intelligent, and honest people ;
another asserts that they are dishonest and treacherous ;
and a third, that such is the indolence of their character,
that nothing will induce them to work beyond what is ab-
solutely necessary to supply the wants of nature, in fact,
that their indolence appears to be incuirable ; but, however
difficult it may be to reconcile these different opinions,
there is truth in them all. When at Sierra Leone, I took
much pains to inquire about the different descriptions of
A&icans who were brought there from the coast, and I
found that in every cargo of Slaves there probably were
three descriptions of people. First, the man who had been
a Slave from infancy in his own country, when brought
to Sierra Leone would be found to be incurably idle and
inferior in intellect : his beau ideal of happiness, and
after which he ardently longed, was repose from labour
and freedom from Slavery, both of which were connected
together in his mind ; and, when restored to freedom, in-
dolence and sleep appeared his greatest enjoyments. Se-
condly, criminals who had been sold into Slavery in their
own land as malefactors ; such as are constantly found pil-
fering, and prowling about the native villages, picking up
chickens or whatever they can lay their hands upon. The
third class, are those who, in their own country, were free
men and independent characters ; these are noted for being
both honest, industrious, and of superior intellect.

I quote these remarks from my notes made at the time,

a €xMt hx tjn jltgrn.

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from information obtained from those who were well ac*
quainted with the Negro character ; that these last were a
hard working, money making people, and that it not unfre-
quently happens that a man, who had only been landed a
month or six weeks from a Slave vessel, will return to the
barracks, where the new people are placed on first landings
and deposit ten shillings, which entitles him to a boy for an
apprentice, having obtained this money by cutting wood,
&c., and selling it at Free Town. With this help he culti-
vates his little plantation, and makes the most he can of all
its produce : his great ambition is to build a Hone house at
Free Town, and I have seen houses in all states of forward-
ness, from the first purchase of the ground for a site in one
place ; in another, a site railed off and a hole dug for a foun-
dation, waiting for more money to get stone and commence
building : again, houses may be found half built and in a
state of forwardness, and last of all, finished and completely
furnished, and most comfortably so. I have visited these
houses, and can remember the inventory I took of one of
the dining rooms ; there was a handsome mahogany table,
a mahogany bkck hair sofa, mahogany chairs, a mahogany
sideboard containing cut glass and decanters, a German
mirror on one side of the room and a map of Palestine on
the other. I was informed that there were many liberated
Africans at Sierra Leone possessed of very oonsiderable
wealth.

It is not £ur to draw the Coloured man's character from
the Negro found in a state of Slavery, (or even from the
next generation to this), a state which reduces both the
Black and the White to the same leveL

When Lord Exmouth bombarded Algiers, he sent a
person who understood the language of the Coast to nego«
tiate for the liberation of European Slaves, and that person ^
informed a firiend of mine that he found the White Slaves
in a more degraded condition, both as to intellect and ap*
pearance, than he had ever found the Negro when in the

ilk.

1 €nMt fsa tjn Mt^ta.

Vf same state of Slavery. I may also here mention^ that in
^^ 1835, the lawyer generally employed by the captains of
Slayers as their counsel was a Black man; I cannot at pre-
sent recollect his name^ but I have spoken to him : he was
esteemed a good lawyer, and a very clever man.

I remain, dear Sir,

Your very obedient servant,

R. WAUCHOPE, (R.N.)

To Wilson Armistead, Esq., Leeds.

THE H08PITABLS VSGBO WOXAV.

The enterprising traveller, Mungo Park, was employed
by the African Association, to explore the interior regions
of Afirica, in which he encountered many dangers and diffi-
culties. His wants were often supplied, and his distresses
alleviated, by the kindness and compassion of the Negroes.
He gives the following interesting account of the hospitable
treatment he received from a poor Negro woman.

" Being arrived at Sego, the capital of the kingdom of
Bambarra, on the Niger, I wished to pass over to that part
of the town in which the king resides. The people who
crossed the river, carried information to Mansong the
king, that a White man was coming to see him. He im-
mediately sent one of his chief men, who informed me
that the king could not possibly see me, until he knew what
had brought me into his country. He advised me to lodge
for the night in a village to which he pointed. As there
was no remedy, I set off for the village ; where I found, to
my great mortification, no person would admit me into
his house. From prejudices infused into their minds,
I was regarded with astonishment and fear ; and was
obliged to sit the whole day without victuals, in the shade
of a tree.

" The night threatened to be very uncomfortable ; the
wind rose, and there was great appearance of a heavy rain.

a ^rihirfi fiir tin jgjgnr.

Qiyi.

The wild beasts, too, were so numerous in the neighbour-
hood, that I should have been under the necessity of
climbing up the tree, and resting among the branches.
About sun-set, however, as I was preparing to pass the
night in this manner, and had turned my horse loose, that
he might graze at liberty, a Negro woman, returning from
the labours of the field, stopped to observe me ; and per-
ceiving that I was weary and dejected, inquired into my
situation. I briefly explained it to her ; after which, with
looks of great compassion, she took up my saddle and bridle,
and told me to follow her. Having conducted me into her
hut, she lighted a lamp, spread a mat on the floor, and told
me I might remain there for the night. Finding I was
very hungry, she went out to procure me something to
eat ; and retiuned in a short time with a very fine fish,
which, having caused to be half broiled upon some embers,
she gave me for supper. The rights of hospitality being
thus performed towards a stranger in distress, my worthy
benefactress (pointing to the mat, and telling me I might
sleep there without apprehension) called to the female part
of her family, who had stood gazing on me all the while in
astonishment, to resume their task of spinning cotton ; in
which they continued to employ themselves great part of
the night.

" They lightened their laboiu: by songs, one of which
was composed extempore : for I was myself the subject of
it. It was sung by one of the young women, the rest join-
ing in a chorus. The air was sweet and plaintive, and the
words literally translated, were these : — ' The winds roared
and the rain fell. The poor White Man, faint and weary,
came and sat under our tree. He has no mother to bring
him milk — no wife to grind his corn.* Chorus. * Let us
pity the White man ; no mother has he to bring him milk (tns^
— no wife to grind his com.'" :''T^

These simple and affecting sentiments have been very
beautifully versified in the following lines : —

St €n\a&t fsx % jStp.

The loud wind roared, tlie rain fell faat ;
The White man yielded to the blast.
He sat him down beneath the tree,
For weaiy, sad, and faint was he :
And ah ! no wife or mother's care.
For him the milk or com prepare.

CHOBUS.

The White man shall our pity share ;
Alas ! no wife or mother's care,
For him the milk or com prepare.

The storm is o'er, the tempest past.
And mercy's voice has hnsh'd the blast ;
The wind is heard in whispers low.
The White man far away nlnst go ;
But ever in his heart will bear,
Bemembranoe of the Negro's care.

CHOBUS.

Go, White man, go ; but with thee bear
The Negro's wish, the Negro's prayer,
Bemembranoe of the Negro's care.

" I could never read these lines," says Dr. Madden,
without feeling the lump in the throat that troubles a
man's deglutition when he stumbles unexpectedly on a
generous act that is the genuine impulse of nature/*

" Trifling as these events may appear to the reader,"
concludes Mungo Park, " they were to me affecting in the
highest degree. I was oppressed by such unexpected kind-
ness ; and sleep fled from my eyes. In the morning, I
presented to my compassionate landlady two of the four
brass buttons which remained on my waistcoat ; the only
recompence it was in my power to make her."

ATTOBAE CUOOANO

Was bom in the town of Agimaque, on the coast of
Fantin, in Africa ; and was dragged from his country, with
twenty other children of both sexes, by European robbers,
who, brandishing their pistols and sabres, threatened to
kill them if they attempted to escape. " They confined

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330

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^ .1 ■---

us," he says, '^ and soon I beard nothing but the clanging
of chains, the sound of the whip, and the cries of my fel-
low prisoners." In this dreadful situation he was carried
to Grenada, and sold into Slavery.

Cugoano was indebted to the generosity of Lord Hoth,
who liberated him and carried him to England, where, ia
1788, he was in the service of Cosway, the first painter to
the Prince of Wales, Piatoli, an Italian author, who,
during a long residence in London, was particularly ac-
quainted with Cugoano, then about forty years of age, and
whose wife was an English woman, praises this Afirican
highly ; he speaks in strong terms of his piety, his mild-
ness of character, modesty, integrity, and talents.

Like Othello, Cugoano has described in an affecting
manner, the heart-rending spectacle of those unfortunate
Africans, who are forced to bid an eternal adieu to their
native country — to fathers and mothers, husbands, brothers
and children, invoking heaven and earth, throwing them-
selves, bathed in tears, into each other's arms asunder!
" This spectacle," says he, " calculated to move the hearts
of monsters, does not that of the Slave dealer," At Gre-
nada, he saw Negroes lacerated by the whip, because, in-
stead of working, they went to church on the Sabbath.
He saw others have their teeth broken, because they dared
to suck the sugar cane.

Cugoano published his reflections on the Slave Trade,
and the Slavery of Negroes, in English ; and it was also
translated into French. He raised his voice to spread abroad
the spirit of religion, and prove from the Scriptures, that
the stealing, sale, and purchase of men, and their detention
in a state of Slavery, are crimes of the deepest die. His
writings are not very methodical, but they speak the lan-
guage of a feeling heart. There are repetitions, because
grief is verbose. An individual deeply affected, is always
afraid of not having said enough — of not being sufficiently
understood.

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a €rihitte for % jBtgrn.

After some observations on the cause of difference of
colour in the human species, as climate, soil, regimen, &c.,
he asks, whether colour or bodily form give a right to en-
slave men. " The Negroes," he observes, " have never
crossed the seas to steal White Men." " Europeans," he
says, "complain of the barbarism of the Negroes, while
their conduct towards Negroes is horribly barbarous. To
steal men, to rob them of their liberty, is worse than to
plunder them of their goods. On national crimes,'* he
adds, " heaven sometimes inflicts national punishments.
Besides, injustice is sooner or later fatal to its author."
This idea is conformable to the great plan of religion ; and
ought to be indelibly impressed on every human heart.

Cugoano makes a striking comparison between ancient
and modem Slavery ; and proves that the last, which pre-
vails among professing Christians, is worse than that among
Pagans, and also worse than that among the Hebrews, who
did not steal men to enslave them, nor sell them without
their consent ; and who put no fine on the head of a fugi-
tive. In Deuteronomy, it is formally said : "Thou shalt
not deliver up to his master a fugitive Slave, who in thy
house has sought an asylum." He passes from the Old to
the New Testament, and states the inconsistency of Slavery
with Christ's command, to " do to others as we would they
should do to us."

In Cugoano, we may behold talents without much literary
cultivation, to which a good education would have given
great advantage.

WILLIAM HAMILTON

Was originally a Slave on the Bog Estate, near Hope-
ton, in Jamaica. His sufferings during the last years of
Slavery in that Island, were given in evidence before the
Apprenticeship Committee of the House of Commons.

Hamilton was the only Slave on the estate who dared

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a ^riliitte &t t^ Jltgni,

to attend a place of worship ; the only one of upwards of
400 Negroes who dared to live with his partner in mar-
riage. For these offences he was degraded from being a
first-rate mechanic and copper-smith, to the rank of a com-
mon field labourer, and sent to a swampy estate, 80 miles
distant from his wife and family, where he narrowly escaped
with his life. He had learned to read and write when a
boy, by stealth, and during his banishment he kept a jour-
nal, which, though it is chiefly the record of his spiritual
conflicts and his religious labours among the neglected
heathen Negroes with whom his lot was cast, yet contains
many incidental allusions to the sufferings of himself and
his fellow Slaves* It affords an interior picture of Slavery,
which exceeds perhaps, any that the world has yet seen $ it
lifts a veil that conceals the true lineaments of Slavery,
which forcibly impress the mind with the conviction, that
the worst features of that horrible state of society, neither
have been, nor can be, laid open to public view.

William Hamilton, soon after the introduction of the
Apprenticeship system, purchased his fireedom by valuation,
for £209 ; and has since been employed as the overseer of
the Lenox estate. He has also purchased 70 acres of land
for himself. *' Though self educated," say Sturge and
Harvey, " he is evidently a person of an intelligent and re-
flecting mind, which has been improved by reading and
disciplined by a life of adversity, such as rarely falls to the
lot of a Slave."

■

PEILLI8 WEEATLET.

Although the state of Massachusetts was never so deeply
involved in the African Slave Trade as most of the other
stated of America, previous to their separation from Great < j^.
Britain, many Negroes were brought into its ports, and
sold for Slaves.

In 1761, Mrs. John Wheatley, of Boston, went to the

v^'^

31 €rihatt fit: t|ii jSfgrn*

Slave-market, to select, from the crowd of unfortunates
there offered for sale, a Negro girl, whom she might train,
by gentle usage, to serve as an attendant during her old
age. Amongst a group of more robust and healthy children
just imported from Africa, the lady observed one, slenderly
formed, and suffering apparently from change of climate
and the miseries of the voyage. The interesting counte-
nance and humble modesty of die poor little stranger, in-
duced Mrs. Wheatley to overlook the disadvantage of a
weak state of health, and Fhillis, as the young Slave was
subsequently named, was purchased in preference to her
healthier companions, and taken home to the abode of her
mistress* The child was almost in a state of perfect naked-
ness, her only covering being a strip of dirty carpet. These
things were soon remedied by the attention of the lady
into whose hands the young African had been thrown, and
in a short time the effects of comfortable clothing and food
were visible in her returning health.

Fhillis, at the time of her purchase, was between seven
and eight years old, and the intention of Mrs. Wheatley
was to train her up to the common occupations of a menial
servant. But the marks of extraordinary intelligence which
the young Negress soon evinced, induced her mistress's
daughter to teach her to read ; and such was the rapidity
with which this was effected, that in sixteen months from
the time of her arrival in the family, the African child had
so mastered the English language, to which she was an
utter stranger before, as to read with ease the most difficult
parts of Scripture. This uncommon docility altered the
intentions of the family regarding Phillis, and in friture she
was kept constantly about the person of her mistress, wliose
affections she entirely won by her amiable disposition and
propriety of demeanour. All her knowledge was obtained
without any instruction, except what was given her in
the family ; and the art of writing she acquired entirely
from her own exertion and industry. In the short period

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a ^rilitttt fer tjiB ^fp.

of four years from the time of her being stolen from Africa,
and when only 12 years of age, she was capable of writing
letters to her friends on various subjects* In 1765, she
wrote to Samson Occum, the Indian minister, while he was
in London.

The young Negress soon became an object of very gene-
ral attention and astonishment, and in a few years she
corresponded with several persons in high stations. At this
period neither in the mother country nor in the colonies
was much attention bestowed on the education of the la-
bouring classes of the Whites themselves, and much less,
it may be supposed, was expended on the mental cultiva-
tion of the Slave population. It is scarcely possible to
suppose that any care should have been expended on the
mind of the young Negress before her abduction from her
native land ; and indeed her tender years almost precluded
the possibility even of such culture as Africa could afford.
Of her infancy, spent in that unhappy land, Phillis had but
one solitary recollection, but that is an interesting one.
She remembered that every morning her mother poured
out water before the rising sun — sl religious rite, doubtless, of
the district from which the child was carried away. Thus,
every morning, when the day broke over the land and the
home which fate had bestowed on her, was Phillis reminded
of the tender mother who had watched over her infancy,
but had been unable to protect her from the hand of the
merciless breakers-up of all domestic and social ties. The
yoimg Negro girl, however, regarded her abduction with no
feelings of regret, but with thankfulness, as having been
the means of bringing her to a land where a light, unknown
in her far-off home, shone as a guide to the feet and a lamp
to the path.

As Phillis grew up to womanhood, her progress and
attainments kept pace with the promise of her earlier years.
She attracted the notice of the literary characters of the
place, who supplied her with books, and encouraged the

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ripening of her intellectual powers. This was greatly as-
sisted by her mistress, who treated her like a child of the
family — admitted her to her own table — and introduced
her, as an equal, into the best society of Boston* Notwith-
standing these honours, Phillis never departed from the
humble and unassuming deportment which distinguished
her when she stood, a little trembling alien, to be sold, like
a beast of the field, in the Slave-market* Never did she
presume upon the indulgence of those benevolent friends
who regarded only her worth and her genius, and over-
looked in her favour all the disadvantages of caste and of
colour. So far was Phillis from repining at, or resenting
the prejudices which the long usages of society had im-
planted, too deeply to be easily eradicated, in the minds
even of the most humane of a more favoured race, that she
uniformly respected them, and, on being invited to the
tables of the great and the wealthy, chose always a place
apart for herself, that none might be offended at a thing so
unusual as sitting at the same board with a Woman of
Colour — a child of a long-degraded race.

Such was the modest and amiable disposition of Phillis
Wheatley : her literary talents and acquirements accorded
with the intrinsic worth of her character* She studied the
Latin tongue, and if we may judge from a translation of one
of Ovid's tales, appears to have made no inconsiderable
progress in it. In her leisure moments she often indulged
herself in writing poetry. At the early age of fourteen,
she appears first to have attempted literary composition ; be-
tween this period and the age of nineteen, the whole of her
poems which were given to the world seem to have been
written* They were published in London in 1773, in a
small octavo volume of above 120 pages, containing 39
pieces, which she dedicated to the Countess of Hunting-
don* This work has gone through several editions in Eng-
land and the United States, the genuineness of which was
established in the first page of the volume, by a declaration

.X2>®

a ^rihiitt fer t|ii Jltgrn,

of the Governor of Massachusetts, the lieutenant-Gover-
nor, her master, and fifteen of the most respectable inha-
bitants of Boston, who were acquainted with her talents,
and the circumstances of her life*

Most of her productions have a religious or moral bear-
ing ; all breathe a soft and sentimental feeling. Manj of
them were written to commemorate the decease of friends.
The following lines she composed on the death of a young
gentleman of great promise :—

Who taugbt tbee conflict with the powers of night,
To vanqnish Satan in the fields of fight ?
Who strong thy feeble arms with might unknown ?
How great thy conquest, and how bright thy crown !
War with each princedom, throne, and power is o'er ;
The scene is ended, to return no more.
Oh, could my muse thy seat on high heboid.
How decked with laurel, and enriched with gold !
Oh, could she hear what praise thy harp employs,
How sweet thine anthems, how divine thy joys.
What heavenly grandeur should exalt her strain !
What holy raptures in her numbers reign !
To soothe the troubles of the mind to peace,
To still the tumult of life's tossing seas,
To ease the anguish of the parent's heart,
What shall my sympathising verse impart ?
Where is the balm to heal so deep a wound ?
Where shall a sovereign remedy be found ?
Look, gracious spirit ! from thy heayenly bower.
And thy full joys into their bosoms pour :
The raging tempest of their griefs control,
And spread the dawn of glory through the soul.
To eye the path the saint departed trod.
And trace him to the bosom of his God.

ON THE DEATH OF AN INFANT.
No more the floweiy scenes of pleasure rise,
Nor charming prospects greet the mental eyes ;
No more with joy we view that lovely £Eioe,
Smiling, disportive, flush'd with eveiy grace.

The tear of sorrow flows from every eye.
Groans answer groans, and sighs to sighs reply ;

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17^

a €tMt fiir tjii ^tp.

What sudden {Mngs shot through each aching heart,
When Death, thy meflsenger, despatched his dart.
Thy dread attendants, all-destroying power.
Hurried the infimt to his mortal hour.
Oouldst thou unpitying dose those radiant eyes P
Or fiuled his artless beauties to surprise P
Could not his innocence thy stroke control.
Thy purpose shake, and soften all thy soul P

The blooming babe, with shade of Death o'erspread.
No more shall smile, no more shall raise his head.
But, like a branch that from the tree is torn.
Falls prostrate, withered, languid, and forlorn.
'* Where flies my child ?** *tis thus I seem to hear
The parent ask : — " Some angel tell me where
He wings his passage through the yielding air ?"
Methinks a cherub bending from the skies
Observes the question ; and serene replies,
<* In heaven's high palaces your babe appears ;
Prepare to meet him, and dismiss your tears."

Shall not the intelligenoe your grief restrain.
And turn the mournful to the cheerful striun P
Cease your complaints, suspend each rising sigh,
Cease to accuse the Buler of the sky.
Parents, no more indulge the fiaJling tear ;
Let Faith to heaven's refulgent domes repair ;
There see your infant, like a seraph glow,
Wliat charms celestial in his numbers flow.
Melodious, while the soul enchanting strain
Dwells on his tongue, and fills the ethereal plain !
Bnough 1 for ever cease your murmuring breath.
Not as a foe, but friend, converse with Death,
Since to the port of happiness unknown
He brought that treasure which you call your own ;
The gift of heaven entrusted to your hand,
Cheerful resign at the divine command :
Not at your bar must sovereign Wisdom stand.

ON THE DEATH OF AN INFANT.

Through airy fields he wings his instant flight
To purer regions of celestial light ;
Enlarged he sees unnumbered systems roll.
Beneath him sees the universal whole,
Planets on planets run their destined round,
And circling wonders fill the vast profound.

a 'tribute fcr % Jltp.

Th' ethereal now, now the empyreal skies

With glowing Bplendoun strike his wondering eyes :

The angels yiew him with delight unknown.

Press his soft hand, and seat him on his throne ;

Then smiling thus : — "To this diTine abode.

The seat of saints, of seraphs, and of God,

Thrioe welcome thou." The raptured babe replies,

*' Thanks to my 6h)d, who snatched me to the skies.

Ere yice triumphant had possessed my heart,

Ere yet the tempter had beguiled my heart,

Ere yet on sin*s base actions I was bent.

Ere yet I knew temptation's dire intent ;

Ere yet the lash for wicked actions felt,

Ere vanity had led my way to guilt,

Early arrived at my celestial goal.

Full glories rush on my expanding soul."

Joyful he spoke : exulting cherubs round.

Clapped their glad wings, the heavenly vaults resound.

Say parents, why this unavailing moan ?

Why heave your pensive bosoms with the groan ?

To Charles, the happy subject of my song,

A brighter world, a nobler strain belongs.

Say would you tear him from the realms above.

By thoughtless wishes, and mistaken love ?

Doth his felicity increase your pain ?

Or could you welcome to this world again

The heir of bliss ? with a superior air

Methinks he answers with a smile severe^,

" Thrones and dominions cannot tempt me there."

But still you cry, '* Can we the sigh forbear.
And still, and still, must we not pour the tear ?
Our only hope, more dear than vital breath.
Twelve moons revolved, becomes the prey of death ;
Delightful infant, nightly visions give
Thee to our arms, and we with joy receive.
We fain would clasp the phantom to our breast
The phantom flies, and leaves the soul unblest.*

To yon bright regions let your faith ascend,
Prepare to join your dearest infistnt friend
In pleasures without measure, without end.

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9^&m:^lM

a €rilnitt fiir % Mt^n. 339

ON THE DEATH OF A LOVELY GIEL,

FITS TXAHS OF AGB.

From dark abodes to fair ethereal light.

The enraptured innocent has winged her flight ;

On the kind bosom of eternal loTe

She finds unknown beatitude above.

This know, ye parents, nor her loss deplore.

She feels the iron hand of pain no more ;

The dispensations of unerring grace,

Should turn your sorrows into grateiul praise ;

Let then no tears for her henceforward flow,

Nor suffer distress in this dark vale below.

Her morning sun, which rose divinely bright.

Was quickly mantled with the gloom of night ;

But hear in heaven's blest bowers your child so &ir.

And learn to imitate her language there.

*' Thou, Lord, whom I behold with glory crowned.

By what sweet name, and in what tuneful sound

Wilt thou be praised ? Seraphic powers arc faint

Infinite love and majesty to paint.

To thee let all their graceful voices raise.

And saints and angels join their songs of praise.*'

Perfect in bliss, now firom bar heavenly home
She looks, and smiling beckons you to come ;
Why then, fond parents, why these fruitless groans ?
Bestrain your tears, and cease your plaintive moans.
Freed from a world of sin, and snares, and pain.
Why would ye wish your &ir one back again ?
Nay — ^bow resigned : let hope your grief control.
And check the rising tumult of the soul.
Calm in the prosperous and the adverse day,
Adore the God who gives and takes away ;
Behold him in all, his holy name revere,
Upright your actions, and your hearts sincere,
Till having sailed through life's tempestuous sea.
And from its rocks, and boisterous billows free,
Yourselves, safe landed on the blissful shore,
Shall join your happy child to part no more.

In a poem addressed by Phillis Wheatley to a clergjnnan
on the death of his wife some beautiful lines occur. After
describing the deceased as in a state of perfect bliss, " with

% €xiMi for t^ Mt^u.

peerless glory crowned,'* she conveys encouragement to the
bereaved one by representing him as addressed by her thus
from the " empyreal sky" —

" O oome away," lier longing spirit cries,
« And share with me the raptures of the skies.
Our bliss divine to mortals is unknown,
Immortal life and glory are our own.
Here too may the dear pledges of our love
Arriye, and taste with us the joys above ;
Attune the harp to more than mortal lays,
And join with us the tribute of their praise,
To him who died stem justice to atone.
And make eternal glory all our own."

The following is a portion of an epitaph Phillis composed
for a Minister of the Gospel, who died much esteemed : —

liO, here a man, redeemed by Jesus' blood,
A sinner once, but now a saint with God ;
Behold ye rich, ye poor, ye fools, ye wise,
Nor let his monument your heart surprise.
He sought the paths of piety and truth,
By these made happy from his early youth !
In blooming years that grace divine he felt.
Which rescues sinners from the chains of guilt.
Mourn him, ye indigent, whom he has fed,
And henceforth seek, like him, for living bread ;
E'en Christ, the bread descending from above.
And ask an interest in his saving love.
Mourn him, ye youth, to whom he oft has told
God's gracious wonders frt)m the times of old.
I too, have cause this mighty loss to mourn.
For he my monitor will not return.
O when shall we to his blest state arrive?
When the same graces in our bosoms thrive.

Many passages in the following poem '^ On the Provi-
dence of God," evince a very considerable reach of thought,
and no mean power of expression : —

Arise, my soul, on wings enraptured rise.
To praise the monarch of the earth and skies.
Whose goodness and beneficence appear
As round its centre moves the rolling year,

<!N?5

a ^rilntfe fiir i\t 3?tp.

Or when the momiiig glows with rosy charms,
Or the sun slumbers in the ocean's arms :
Of light diyine be a rich portion lent
To guide my soul, and favour my intent.
Celestial muse, my arduous flight sustain,
And raise my mind to a seraphic strain !

Adored for ever be the God unseen,
"Which round the sun rerolyes this vast machiue,
Though to his eye its mass a point appears :
Adored the 6h)d that whirls surrounding spheres,
Who first ordained that mighty Sol should reign
The peerless monarch of the ethereal train :
• • • From him the extended earth
Vigour deriyes and erery flowery birth ;
Vast through her orb she moves with easy grace.
Around her Phoebus in unbounded space ;
True to her course the impetuous storm derides,
Triumphant o'er the winds, and surging tides.

Almighty, in these wondrous works of thine.
What Power, what Wisdom, and what Qtx>dnes8 shine !
And are thy wonders, Lord, by men explored,
And yet creating glory imadored ?
Creation smiles in various beauty gay,
While day to night, and night succeeds to day :
The wisdom which attends Jehovah's ways,
Shines most conspicuous in the solar rays ;
Without them, destitute of heat and light,
This world would be the reign of endless night.
• •••••

Hail I smiling mom, that firom the orient main
Ascending dost adorn the heavenly plain.
So rich, so various are thy beauteous dyes,
That spread through all the circuit of the skies,
That full of thee, my soul in rapture soars,
And thy great God, the cause of all adores.
O'er beings inflnite his love extends,
His wisdom rules them, and his power defends :
When tasks diurnal tire the human frame.
The spirits fSEunt, and dim the vital flame.
Then too that ever active bounty shines
Which not infinity of space confines.
The sable veil, that Night in silence draws,
Conceals efibcts, but shows the Almighty Cause,

% €rihiite fire % j^tgrn.

Night Bet^ in sleep the wide creation fair.
And all is peaceful but the brow of care.
Again, gay Fhoebua, as the day before,
Wakes eTery eye, save what shall wake no more ;
Again the face of nature is renewed.
Which still appears harmonioos, &ir, and good.
May grateful strains salute the smiling mom.
Before its beams the eastern hills adorn I
Shall day to day and night to night conspire
To show the goodness of the Almighty Sire ?
This mental voice shall man regardless hear.
And never, never raise the filial prayer ?

But see the sons of vegetation rise.

And spread their leafy banners to the skies ;

All-wise, Almighty Providence we trace

In trees, and plants, and all the flowery race.

As dear as in the nobler frame of man,

All lovely ensigns of the Maker's plan.

The power the same that forms a ray of light.

That called creation from eternal night.

" Let there be light !" he said } from his profound

Old Chaos heard, and trembled at the sound :

Swiit as the word, inspired by power divine^

Behold the light around its Maker shine.

The first fiedr product of the omnific Gk>d,

And now through all his works di£EiiBed abroad.

As reason's powers by day our Qod disclose,

So may we trace him in the night's repose.

Say, what is sleep ? and dreams, how passing strange !

When action ceasee and ideas range

Licentious and unbounded o'er the plains,

Where fimcy's queen in giddy triumph reigns.

Hear in soft strains the dreaming lover sigh

To a kind fair, and rave in jealousy $

On pleasure now, and now on vengeance bent,

The labouring passions struggle for a vent.

What power, oh man ! thy reason then restores,

So long suspended in nocturnal hours f

What secret hand restores the mental train.

And gives improved thine active powers again ?

From thee, oh man ! what gratitude should rise I

And when from balmy sleep thou op'st thine eyes,

Let thy first thoughts be praises to the skies.

4|>^

% ^rilmte fiir tjji 3lfgnr.

How merdful our God, wlio thoB imparts
0*erflowing tides of joy to human hearts.
When wants and woes might be our righteous lot,

Our Gk>d forgetting, by our God forgot !

• •••••

Among the mental powers a question rose,

'< What most the image of the Eternal shows ?*'

When thus to Season (so let fSsnqy rove)

Her great companion spoke, immortal LoTe : —

" Say, mighty power, how long shall strife preyail,
And with its murmurs load the whispering gale ?
Befer the cause to ReooUeotion's shrine,
Who loud proclaims my origin diyine,
The cause whence heaven and earth b^gan to be ;
And is not man immortalized by me?
Season let this most causeless strife subside,"
Thus Loye pronounced, and Keason thus replied,
** Thy birth, celestial queen ! 'tis mine to own,
In thee resplendent is the Godhead shown ;
Thy words persuade, my soul enraptured feels,
Resistless beauty which thy smile repeals."
Ardent she spoke, and kindling at her charms.
She cbisped the blooming goddess in her arms.

Infinite lore, where'er we turn our eyes,
Appears : this every creature's wants supplies.
This most is heard in Nature's constant voice.
This makes the mom, and this the eve rejoice ;
This bids the fostering rains and dews descend
To nourish all, to serve one general end,
The good of man ; yet man ungrateful pays
But little homage, and but little praise.
To him whose works arrayed with mercy shine,
What songs should rise, how constant, how divine !

These lines, written by an African Slave girl, at the age
of sixteen or eighteen, are equal to many that appear in
standard collections of English poetry. They are, if any-
thing, superior in harmony, and are not inferior in depth of
thought.

Phillis Wheatley felt a deep interest in everything affect-
ing the liberty of her fellow-creatures, of whatever condi-
tion, race, or colour. She expressed herself with much

a '^rMt fiit tIjB jSfp.

feeling in an address to the Earl of Dartmouth, secretary
of state for North America, on the occasion of some re-
laxation of the system of haughty severity which the home
government then pursued towards the colonies, and which
ultimately caused their separation and independence.

Hail, happy day, when smiling like the mom,
Fair freedom rose New England to adorn :

• • • • •

Long lost to realms beneath the northern skies.
She shines supreme, while hated faction dies :
Soon as appeared the goddess long desired,
Sick at the yiew, she languished and expired ;
Thus from the splendours of the morning light
The owl in sadness seeks the cayes of night.

No more, America, in mournful strain
Of wrongs and grieyanoe imredressed complain,
No longer shalt thou dread the iron chain,
Which wanton tyranny with lawless hand
Made, and with it meant to enslaye the land.

Should you, my lord, while you peruse my song,
Wonder from whence my loye of freedom sprung ;
Whence flow those wishes for the common good.
By feeling hearts alone best understood —
I, young in life, by seeming cruel frtte,
Was snatched from Afric*s fancied happy seat.
What pangs excruciating must molest.
What sorrows labour in my parents* breast !
Steeled was that soul, and by no misery moyed.
That from a father seized his babe beloyed :
Such, such my case. And can I then but pray
Others may neyer feel tyrannic sway !

The other compositions of this African poetess are on
Virtue, Humanity, Freedom, Imagination, &c. The follow-
ing lines contain a beautiful address and prayer to the Deity.

Great God, incomprehensible, unknown

To sense, we bow at thine exalted throne.

O, while we craye thine excellence to feel,

Thy sacred spirit to our hearts reyeal.

And giye us of that mercy to partake.

Which thou hast promised for the Sayiour*s sake !

a €xMt fst tjji JIfgrn.

345

One of her pieces is an address to a young painter of
her own colour. On seeing his works, she vented her grief
for the sorrows of her countrymen, in a pathetic strain.

After the publication of her volume, and about the
twenty-first year of her age, Phillis was liberated ; but she
continued in her master's family, where she was much re-
spected for her good conduct. Many of the most respect-
able inhabitants of Boston and its vicinity, visiting at the
house, were pleased with an opportunity of conversing
with her, and of observing her modest deportment, and the
cultivation of her mind.

The constitution of Phillis being naturally delicate, her
healtli became such as to alarm her friends. A sea voyage
was recommended by her physicians, and it was arranged
that she should take a voyage to England in company with a
son of Mrs. Wheatley, who was proceeding thither on com-
mercial business. The amiable Negro girl had hitherto
never been parted from the side of her benefactress since
the hour of her adoption into the family ; and though the
necessity of the separation was acknowledged, it was
equally painful to both. She recorded her feelings upon
this occasion in the following lines : —

A FABEWELL TO AMEBICAj

ADDBESSED TO MBS. WHEATLET.

Adieu, "Sew England's smiling meads,

Adiea> the flowery plain :
I leave thine opening charms, O spring,

And tempt the roaring main.

In Tain for me the flowerets rise,

And boast their gaudy pride.
While here beneath the northern skies

I mourn for health denied.

Celestial maid of rosy hue,

O let me feel thy reign ;
I languish till thy face I view.

Thy vanished joys regain.

2 Y

% €nlntte fitt % Mt^n,

346

Snsaiiiiah mOTums, nor can I bear

To lee the ohrystol shower,
Or mark the tender falUng tear

At sad departure's hour ;

Not unregarding can I see

Her soul with grief opprest,
But let no sighs, no groans for me

Steal from her pensiye breast.

In Tain the feathered warblers sing.

In rain the garden bloomB,
And on the boaom of the spring

Breathes out her sofk perfumes.

While for Britannia's distant shore

We sweep the liquid plain.
And with astonished e^es explore

The wide extended main.

Lo ! Health i^ypears, eelestial dame,

Complacent and serene^
With Hebe's mantle o'er her frame,

With soul-delighting mien.

For thee^ Britannia, I resign

New England's smiling fields ;
To Tiew again her charms diyine,

What joy the prospect yields.

Phillis was received and admired in the first circles of
English society ; and it was here that her poems were first
given to the world, with a portrait of the authoress attached
to them. From this portrait^ her countenance appears to
have been pleasing, and the form of her head highly in-
tellectual. On the engraving being transmitted to Mrs.
Wheatley in America^ that lady placed it in a conspicuous
part of her room, and called the attention of her visitors
to it. But the health of this good and humane lady de-
clined rapidly, and she soon found that the beloved original
of the portrait was necessary to her comfort and happiness.
On the first notice of her benefactress's desire to see her
once more^ Phillis^ whose modest humility was unshaken
by the severe trial of flattery and attention from the great,
re-embarked immediately for the land of her true home*

a €rilrab fiit tjn JStgw.

Within a short time ftfter her arrival^ she discharged the
melancholy duty of closing the eyes of her mistress, mother,
and friend, whose husband and daij^hter soon sunk also into
the grave. The son had married and settled in England,
and Phillis Wheatley found herself alone in the world.

The happiness of the African poetess now became clouded.
Little is known of the latter years of her life, except what
is of a melancholy character. Shortly after the death of
her friends, she received an offer of marriage from a re-
spectable Coloured man of the name of Peters. In her
desolate condition, it would have been hard to have blamed
Phillis for accepting any offer of protection of an honour-
able kind. At the time it took place, Peters not only
bore a good character, but was eveiy way a remarkable
specimen of his race ; being a fluent writer, a ready speaker,
and altogether an intelligent and well-educated man. He
was a grocer by trade, but having obtained considerable
learning, also officiated as a lawyer, under the title of Doc-
tor Peters ; pleading the cause of his brethren the Africans,
before the tribunals of the state. Phillis was, at the time
of her marriage with Peters, about twenty-three years
of age.

The reputation he enjoyed, with his industry, procured
him a fortune, though it appears he was subsequently un-
successful in business. The connexion did not prove a
happy one, and Phillis, being possessed of a susceptible
mind and delicate constitution, fell into a decline, and died
in 1780, about the twenty-sixth year of her age, much
lamented by those who knew her worth.

Thus perished a woman who, by a fortunate accident,
was rescued from the degraded condition to which those of
her race who are brought to the Slave-market are too often
condemned, as if for the purpose of showing to the world
what care and education could effect in elevating the cha-
racter of the benighted African. Such an example ought
to impress us with the conviction, that, out of the

a ^ribitt fat tjji Mw*

countless millions to whom no similar opportunities have ever .. , .
been presented, many might be found fitted by the endow- ^ T^
ments of nature, and wanting only the blessings of educa-
tion, to be made ornaments, like Phillis Wheatley, not
only to their race, but to humanity.

JOHH XIZELL

Was a native of a country some leagues inland from the
Sherbro river. His father was a Chief of some consequence,
and so was his uncle. They resided at different towns, and
when Kizell was a boy, he was sent by his father on a visit
to his uncle. On the very night of his arrival the town
was attacked : a bloody battle ensued, in which his uncle
and many of his people were killed. Some escaped : the
rest were taken prisoners, amongst whom was Kizell. His
father, as soon as he heard of his son's disaster, made every
effort to release him, but in vain. He was taken to the
Gallinas, put on board a ship, and carried, as one of a cargo
of Slaves, to Charlestown.

On the passage, one of the women pining away with grief
on account of her situation, was tied up to the mast and
flogged to death, as a warning to others not to indulge their
melancholy to the detriment of their health, and thereby
injure their value to their Christian ovimers.

John Kizell arrived in Charlestovm a few years before it
was taken by Sir H. Clinton ; and in consequence of diat
general's proclamation, with many others, he joined the
royal standard. After the war he was removed to Nova
Scotia, and from thence to Sierra Leone. He was an in-
telligent man, always preserved an excellent character, and
had the welfare of his native country sincerely at heart.
The government of Sierra Leone often employed him in
their negociations with the native chiefs ; and he always fpN^
discharged his duty with integrity and address.

In 1810, John Kizell was sent by governor Columbine,
vrith a letter to some of the chiefs on the Sherbro river,

a €rMt ftr tjn Mt^n.

recommending them to discontinue the Slave Trade^ and
to turn their attention to the cultivation of the earth.
While on this mission^ he wrote many letters to the gover-
nor, from which the following are extracts : —

" I went to Sumarro with the head-man, and gave him
the things you sent for him : he was glad, and all his peo-
ple. I then showed them your letter. The young people
were thankful for the word they heard, but there were
some that did not like it I then asked them : * From the
time that your fathers began to sell Slaves, to this day,
what have you got by it ? Can any of you show me how
much money you have — ^how much gold — how many Slaves,
and vessels, and cattle — ^how many people you have ? ' They
said, * None ! *

'' I went to take a walk with one of my boys, and was
surprised to see so many coffee-trees : some places being
entirely covered with them. I was concerned to think that
there was no man to be foimd who had the welfare of this
country and people at heart, to observe what is in it, and
what it will produce, instead of taking the natives, and car-
rying them to European islands to raise coffee, which is
the natural plant of Africa. But I thank Almighty God
for his over-ruling power : He does all things in their sea-
son ; and this is the time he has appointed, in which to
rouse the great men of England, and to put it in their
hearts to consider the human race. May Almighty God
incline them to persevere ! for these men of sin desire to
keep the Black people in Slavery, and their minds in dark-
ness ; so that they may enjoy neither the good of this
world, nor the happiness of the world to come.

" This country wants nothing but people to bring them
to order ; to let them see that by working they will get
money, and not by the Slave Trade ; for that destroys their
happiness. Of all people I have ever seen, they are the
kindest. They will let none want food ; they vriill lend and
not look for it again. If strangers come to them, they will

% €'ttMt fttc t^ JltgriL

give them water to wash, and food for nothing* If they
had the same learning as Europeans, the best hiwyer could
not excel them in words and speeches. They are a sensible
people to talk to in their palavers. The land is rich and
good ; and if it was not for the cursed Slave Trade, I think
they would be the happiest people in the world/'

BIirjAKIir BAHITEXEB

Was bom in Baltimore County, his father being an
African, and his mother of pure African descent. His pa-
rents having obtained their freedom, were enabled to send
him to an obscure school, where he learned, when a boy,
reading, writing, and arithmetic ; and they left him at their
decease, a few acres of land, upon which he subsequently
supported himself with economy and exertion, so as always
to preserve reputation.

To struggle incessantly against want, is by no means fa*
vourable to improvement. What he had learned he did not
forget, and as some hours of leisure will occur in the most
toilsome life, he availed himself of these, not to read and
acquire knowledge from writings of genius and discovery,
(for of such he had none), but to digest and apply, as occa-
sions presented, the few principles of the few rules of arith-
metic he had been taught at schooL This kind of mental
exercise formed his chief amusement, and soon gave him a
facility in calculation that was often serviceable to his
neighbours, and at length attracted the attention of the
Messrs. Ellicott, a family remarkable for their ingenuity.
It was about the year 1788, that George Ellicott lent him
three astronomical works, and some instruments, accompany-
ing them with neither hint or instruction that might further
his studies, or lead him to apply them to any useful result.
These books and instruments, the first of the kind Bai|-
neker had ever seen, opened a new world to him, and he
began to employ his leisure in astronomical researches.

1 1

% €nlnitt fax % Mt^u.

Having taken up the idea of making calculations for an
Almanac, he completed a set for a whole year. Encou*
raged by this first attempt, he entered upon calculations
for subsequent years, which, as well as the former, he began
and finished without the least assistance firom any person or
boohs than the three volumes mentioned ; so that whatever
merit is attached to his performance, is exclusively and pe-
culiarly his own. He published almanacs in Philadelphia
for 1792-3-4 and 6, which contain his calculations, exhi-
biting the different aspects of the planets, a table of the
motions of the sun and moon, their risings and settings,
and the courses of the bodies of the planetary system.
These calculations were so thorough and exact, as to excite
the approbation of Pitt, Fox, Wilberforce, and other emi-
nent men ; and one of his almanacs was produced in the
British House ' of Commons, as an argument in favour of
the mental cultivation of the Coloured people^ and of their
liberation from their wretched thraldom.

Imlay says, that in New England, he knew a N^;ro, who
kept an astronomical journal, and who had composed ephe-
merides. He does not mention his name : if it was Ban-
neker, it is a testimony to his talents ; if some other Negro,
it affords further evidence of the ability of the race.

When Banneker had prepared his first almanac for pub-
lication, he sent a copy of the M.S. to Jefferson, then Pre-
sident of the United States, with the following letter, the
composition of which bespeaks considerable ability.

Maryland, Baltimore County,
August 19, 1791.

Sir,

I am fully sensible of the greatness of the freedom I
take with you on the present occasion ; a liberty which
seemed scarcely allowable, when I reflected on that distin-
guished and dignified station in which you stand, and the

(kUi

I )
I

% €nMi for tIjB jBigw.

almost general prejudice which is so prevalent in the world
against those of my complexion.

It is a truth too well attested, to need a proof here, that
we are a race of beings, who have long laboured under the
abuse and censure of the world ; that we have long been
looked upon with an eye of contempt ; and considered ra-
ther as brutish than human, and scarcely capable of mental
endowments.

I hope I may safely admit, in consequence of the report
which has reached me, that you are a man far less in-
flexible in sentiments of this nature, than many others ;
that you are measurably friendly, and well disposed towards
us ; and that you are willing to lend your aid and assistance
for our relief from those many distresses, and numerous
calamities, to which we are reduced.

If this is founded in truth, I apprehend you will embrace
every opportunity to eradicate that train of absurd and
false ideas and opinions, which so generally prevail with
respect to us : and that your sentiments are concurrent
with mine, which are, that one universal Father hath given
being to us all ; that He hath not only made us all of one
flesh, but that He hath also, without partiality, afforded
us all the same sensations, and endowed us all with the
same faculties ; and that however variable we may be in
society or religion, however diversified in situation or in
colour, we are all of the same family, and stand in the
same relation to Him.

If these are sentiments of which you are fully persuaded,
you cannot but acknowledge, that it is the indispensable
duty of those, who maintain for themselves the rights of
human nature, and who profess the obligations of Chris-
tianity, to extend their power and influence to the relief
of every part of the human race, from whatever burden or ( i -Jsg^
oppression they may unjustly labour under ; and this, I ^
apprehend, a full conviction of the truth and obligation of
these principles should lead aU to.

I ;

% €n\aAt fax % Mtita.

I have long been convinced, that if youx love for your-
selves, and for those inestimable laws which preserved to
you the rights of human nature, was founded on sincerity
you could not but be solicitous, that every individual,
of whatever rank or distinction, might with you equally
enjoy the blessings thereof; neither could you rest satisfied
short of the most active effusion of your exertions, in order
to their promotion from any state of degradation, to which
the unjustifiable cruelty and barbarism of men may have
reduced thenu

I freely and cheerfully acknowledge, that I am of
the African race, and in that colour which is natural to
them, of the deepest dye ; and it is under a sense of the
most profound gratitude to the Supreme Ruler of the
Universe, that I now confess to you, that I am not under
that state of tyrannical thraldom, and inhuman captivity,
to which too many of my brethren are doomed, but that I
have abundantly tasted of the fruition of those blessings,
which proceed from that free and unequalled liberty with
which you are favoured ; and which I hope you will wil-
lingly allow you have mercifriUy received, from the imme-
diate hand of that being from whom proceedeth every goed
and perfect gift.

Suffer me to recall to your mind that time, in which the
arms of the British crown were exerted, ¥Hith every power-
ful effort, in order to reduce you to a state of servitude :
look back, I entreat you, on the variety of dangers to which
you were exposed ; reflect on that period in which every
human aid appeared unavailable, and in which even hope
and fortitude wore the aspect of inability to the conflict,
and you cannot but be led to a serious and grateful sense
of your miraculous and providential preservation ; you can-
not but acknowledge, that the present freedom and tran-
quility which you enjoy, you have mercifully received, and
that it is the peculiar blessing of heaven.

This, Sir, was a time when you clearly saw into the

01-

a Crilittte fcr tin jSfgrn.

injustice of a state of Slavery, and in which you had just
apprehensions of the horrorsi of its condition. It was then
that your abhorrence thereof was so excited, that you pub-
licly held forth this true and invaluable doctrine, which is
worthy to be recorded and remembered in all succeeding
ages : * We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all
men are created equal; that they are endowed by their
Creator with certain inalienable rights, and that among
these are, life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.'

Here, was a time in which your tender feelings for your-
selves had engaged you thus to declare ; you were then
impressed with proper ideas of the great violation of liberty,
and the free possession of those blessings, to which you
were entitled by nature ; but, sir, how pitiable is it to
reflect, that although you were so fully convinced of
the benevolence of the Father of Mankind, and of his
equal and impartial distribution of these rights and privi-
leges which he hath conferred upon them, that you should
at the same time counteract his mercies, in detaining by
fraud and violence, so numerous a part of my brethren
under groaning captivity and cruel oppression, that you
should at the same time be found guilty of that most cri-
minal act, which you professedly detested in others, with
respect to yourselves.

Your knowledge of the situation of my brethren is too
extensive to need a recital here ; neither shall I presume
to prescribe methods by which they may be relieved, other-
wise than by recommending to you and all others, to wean
yourselves from those narrow prejudices which you have
imbibed with respect to them, and as Job proposed to his
friends, * put your soul in their souls* stead ;* thus shall
your hearts be enlarged with kindness and benevolence
towards them ; and thus shall you need neither the direc- tfr^ys
tion of myself or others, in what manner to proceed herein.

And now, sir, although my sympathy and affection for my
brethren hath caused my enlargement thus far, I ardently

»'.-=.

^^•V;:

V.-„V

J<A % €ritiirii fbr tjit Mt^ti. 355

ckIIJ)

hope, that your candour and generosity will plead with
you in my behalf^ when I state that it was not originally
my design ; but having taken up my pen in order to present
a copy of an almanac which I have calculated for the suc-
ceeding year, I was unexpectedly led thereto.

This calculation is the production of my arduous study,
in my advanced stage of life; for having long had un-
bounded desires to become acquainted with the secrets of
nature, I have had to gratify my curiosity herein through
my own assiduous application to astronomical study, in
which I need not recount to you the many difficulties and
disadvantages which I have had to encounter.

And although I had almost declined to make my calcu-
lation for the ensuing year, in consequence of the time
which I had allotted for it being taken up at the federal
territory, by the request of Mr. Andrew EUicott, yet I
industriously applied myself thereto, and hope I have ac-
complished it with correctness and accuracy. I have taken
the hberty to direct a copy to you, which I humbly request
you will favourably receive ; and although you may have
the opportunity of perusing it after its publication, yet I
desire to send it to you in manuscript previous thereto,
that thereby you might not only have an earlier inspec-
tion, but that you might also view it in my own hand-
writing.

And now, sir, I shall conclude, and subscribe myself,
with the most profound respect.

Your most obedient humble servant,

BENJAMIN BANNEKER.

To the foregoing letter the President returned the fol*
lowing answer: —

Philadelphia, August 30, 1791.
Sir,

I thank you, sincerely, for your letter^ and the almanac
it contained. No body wishes more than I do, to see such

-xfr^-V

'^S /'V

h e

% 'M\aAt hi % Mt^n.

proofs as you exhibit^ that nature has given to our Black
brethren talents equal to those of the other colours of men ;
and that the appearance of the want of them, is owing
merely to the degraded condition of their existence, both
in Africa and America. I can add with truth, that no
body wishes more ardently to see a good system com-
menced for raising their condition, both of their body and
mind, to what it ought to be, as far as the imbecility of
their present existence, and other circumstances, which
cannot be neglected, will admit.

I have taken the liberty of sending your almanac to
Monsieur de Condozett, Secretary of the Academy of
Sciences at Paris, and member of the Philanthropic Society,
because I considered it as a document to which your whole
colour had a right for their justification, against the doubts
which have been entertained of them.

I am with great esteem, sir.

Your most obedient, &c.,
THOMAS JEFFERSON.

FAITH OF A POOB BLIITD HEGBa.

A person going to see a very aged woman of Colour,
found a respectable looking White girl sitting by her, read-
ing the Bible for her. On inquiring of the old woman
whether she could ever read, she answered '' O yes ! and
I used to read a great deal in tJuU book,*' (pointing to a
Bible very much worn, that lay on the table,) but now I
am almost blind, and the good girls read for me ; but by
and by, when I get on Zion's hill, I shall see as well as
any body."

A PIOUS ABD BBLIOKTBBBD XAFIB.

Mrs. WiUiams in relating some particulars respecting
the death of her husband, says, on die day before his de-
cease, I was at length enabled to resign and give him up

1 €xMt to tjn Mt^tt.

to the Lord to do his pleasure concerning him. I asked
one of the Kafirs if he had no wish to see his teacher be-
fore the Lord took him to himself. ** Yes, but I do not
like to ask jou^ because I think it will make your heart
sore/' He then came and sat down by the bedside. I
asked him if he prayed. " Yes." " What do you pray
for ?'* ''I pray the Lord as he hath brought us a teacher
over the great sea and hath thus long spared him to tell us
His word^ that he would be pleased to raise him up again
to tell us more of that Great Word." I asked, " Do you
pray for me?" "Yes." " What do you ask when you
pray for me ? " "I pray that if the Lord should take away
your husband from you, he would support and protect you
and your little ones in the midst of this wild and barbarous
people."

" This was to me a precious sermon/' adds Mrs. Wil-
liams, " at such a season, from the mouth of a Elafir."

IlTTELLIOEirT AHD SLOaVEirT XA7IB CAPTIYI PEXALE.

During the residence of Thos. Pringle in South Africa,
he made an excursion to Bethelsdorp, where he was wel-
comed by the resident Missionary.

** While tea was preparing," he writes, " and before the
twilight had yet closed in, my host was called to speak to a
stranger. This was a Kafir woman, accompanied by a litde
girl of 8 or 10 years of age, and having an infant stripped
to- her back. She was one of a number of Kafir femdes,
who had been made priscmers by order of the Commandant
on the frontier, for crossing the line of proscribed demarca-
tion without permission, and who were now to be given out
in servitude among the White inhabitants of this district.
The woman before us was to be forwarded by the mis-
sionary, to a colonist, about SO miles to the westward.

" While the constable who brought her was delivering his
message to this effect, the Kafir woman looked at him and at

% €xMt fnr tIjB jlfgrn.

us with keen and intelligent glances ; and though she very
imperfectly understood his language, she appeared fully to
comprehend its import. When he had finished, she stepped
forward, drew up her figure to its full height, extended
her right arm, and commenced a speech in her native
tongue. Though I did not understand a single word she
uttered, I have seldom been more struck with surprise and
admiration. The language^ to which she appeared to give
full and forcible intonation, was highly musical and sono-
rous ; her gestures were natural, graceful, and impressive,
and her dark eyes and handsome bronze countenance, were
full of eloquent expression. Sometimes she pointed back
towards her own country, and then to her children. Some-
times she raised her tones aloud, and shook her clenched
hand, as if she denounced our injustice, and threatened us
with the vengeance of her tribe. Then again she would
melt into tears, as if imploring clemency, and mourning for
her helpless little ones. Some of the villagers who had
gathered round, being whole or half Kafirs, understood her
speech, and interpreted it in Dutch to the Missionary ;
but he Qould do nothing to alter her destination, and could
only return kind words to console her. For my own part,
I was not a little struck by the scene, and could not help
beginning to suspect that my European countrymen, who
thus made captives of harmless women and children, were
in reality greater barbarians than the savage natives of
Caffiraria.**

" After our interview with the Kafir female," continues
Thos. Pringle, " I attended the evening service in the rustic
chapel of Bethelsdorf. The place was occupied by a very
considerable number of the inhabitants of the village, a
large proportion being females. The demeanour of the
audience was attentive and devout, and their singing of the
missionary hymns was singularly pleasing and harmonious.
The effect of the music was no doubt greatly heightened by
the reflections which the sight of this African congregation

ja-fZ' ty 'y"^'' '^

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(kisUd)

31 iKrihiite fet tin jifgrn.

naturally suggested. I saw before me the remnant of
an aboriginal race, to whom this remote region, now occu-
pied by White Colonists, had at no distant period belonged.
As I sat and listened to the soft and touching melody of
the female voices, or gazed on the earnest, upturned, swarthy
countenances of the aged men, who had probably spent their
early days in the wild freedom of nomadic life, and worn
out their middle life in the service of the Colonists, it was
pleasing to think that herey and in a few other institutions
such as this, the Christian humanity of Europe, had done
something to alleviate European oppression, by opening
asylums, where, at least, a few of the race were enabled to
escape from personal thraldom, and to emerge from heathen
darkness into the glorious light and liberty of the Gospel.

»»

JAN TZATZOE; A CHBI8TIAN KAFIB CHIEF.

Jan Tzatzoe is an hereditary Chief of the Amakosa
Kafirs, a tribe whose country borders on that formerly be-
longing to the Hottentots. His father, who was always
held in high estimation by the other Chiefs, for his integ-
rity and peaceable disposition, as well as for the good order
so uniformly maintained among his people, was living a
few years ago, supposed to be nearly one hundred years of
age, though he had long been too feeble to take any share
in the government of his people. This old Chief was re-
lated to Habaki, the grandfather of Gaika, and conse-
quently belongs to the ancient reigning families of the
country.

His son, Jan Tzatzoe, was born about the year 1791,
and while yet a child, his father removed, with his tribe,
into the Zuirveld, where the old Chief and his people were
residing, when the London Missionary Society's Institution
at Bethelsdorp was established. According to the custom
of the country, the old Chief had several wives. The mother
of Tzatzoe being a woman of the highest rank among them.

a €jMt fe tjif 3SigrH.

and a great fayourite, the father determined that her son
should succeed him in the chieftainship of the tribe ; and
in order to secure for him every possible advantage, he re-
quested Dr. Yanderkemp and James Read, to receive him
into the Missionary Institution at Bethelsdorp, which he
entered in 1804>. He was then about thirteen years of age,
and, though an unclothed, untutored African boy, he
evinced a mildness and docility of disposition, a patient en-
durance of the restraints which his altered circumstances
imposed, and a persevering application to his lessons, which
gi*eatly endeared him to his teachers. The venerable Dr.
Yanderkemp, who had long mourned over the injustice
and cruelty practised towards the African race, received
his young pupil with the most grateful joy, — Gloved him,
and treated him as his own child, and spared no pains,
while engaged in teaching him the use of letters, and a
knowledge of the Dutch language, to instil into his mind
the principles of truth and justice, while he sought to im-
press upon his heart the sublime doctrines of the Bible.
On two occasions the Doctor took his industrious and ob-
servant scholar with him to Cape Town, and endeavoured
by every means in his power to prepare him to discharge,
with the greatest benefit to his race, the duties to which in
future years he would be called.

In 1815, a remarkable attention to personal religion
prevailed among all classes at Bethelsdorp ; and during
this period there is reason to believe that Tzatzoe, then
about twenty-four years of age, experienced, by the influ-
ence of the Holy Spirit, that entire change which rendered
him a sincere and decided Christian. In him, as in most
instances among the heathen, one immediate effect of the
participation of Divine mercy, was a desire to make the
salvation of Christ known to his countrymen. He sought
to improve the period of his continuance at Bethelsdorp,
with greater diligence than ever, and from higher motives ;
and in order to promote, by every possible means, the

;

I
I

a €rilrate fiir t^ JItgm

improvement of his countrymen, he applied himself to the
most useful mechanical arts, and learned to work in wood
as a carpenter and wheelwright, and also to work in iron
and stone. About this time he married a pious female of
the Hottentot nation, who had long been connected with
the Institution at Bethelsdorp. In the following year,
Tzatzoe accompanied that eminently devoted man of God,
John Williams, to the neighbourhood of Gaika's residence,
and continued with him till the lamented death of Williams
interrupted the Kafir mission.

In 1817, when Lord Charles Somerset, then Governor of
the Cape of Good Hope, visited the frontier, and entered
into a treaty with Gaika, the chief of the tribes inhabiting
the country adjacent to the Elat river, Tzatzoe was present,
and acted as interpreter* He afterwards returned to Be-
thelsdorp, and was chosen by the people one of the local
authorities forbearing complaints and adjusting differences
among the inhabitants of the place. His conduct, in dis-
charging the duties of this office, which has ever been found
of great importance to the harmony and order of the settle-
ment, was distinguished by great shrewdness, and the most
scrupulous adherence to integrity and justice.

Tzatzoe continued at Bethelsdorp until 1817, when he
accompanied John Brownlee to his own country, and ren-
dered important services in the commencement of the missions
among the people in that neighbourhood. He also, shortly
afterwards, rendered very valuable aid to W. Shaw, Wes-
leyan missionary, in the establishment of the mission at
Wesleyville, and W. Shaw has frequently expressed his
deep sense of obligation to Tzatzoe for the advantages
derived from his assistance and advice, especially in the
early stages of his labours among the Kafirs.

Tzatzoe's aged father, who had long been anxious for the
establishment of a mission in his own territory, now repeated
his solicitations to his son, and to the Missionaries, re-
questing that they might be instructed in religion, and the

a^i

3 a

% (Krihiite for % 3ligni,

arts of civilized life. In compliance with his request, the j | Y(
mission at the Buffalo river was commenced in 18S6 by
John Brownlee, aided by Tzatzoe^ who has ever since
resided at the station, acting as an assistant missionary. In
this capacity his exertions have been peculiarly acceptable
and valuable. His knowledge of the opinions, habits, and
superstitions of his couhtrymen have afforded important
facilities in exposing their errors, and instructing them in
a more excellent way : and he has been employed with
great advantage in preaching the gospel, and assisting in
the translation of the Scriptures into his native language.

John Williams and John Brownlee have borne the warm-
est testimony to his zeal and talents, and he was always
regarded by Dr. Vanderkemp with peculiar affection and
solicitude.

While Tzatzoe was occupied in assisting the mission-
aries, the duties connected with the civU affiiirs of his tribe
were discharged by an elder brother ; but Tzatzoe was
held in such high estimation that he was frequently con-
sulted in matters of importance ; such, in fact, was the in-
fluence of his acknowledged integrity and justice, that the
subjects of other chiefs often mutually requested him to
decide matters in dispute between them. On one occasion
two Kafirs appeared before the young chief, each claiming
as their own a colt which they led to the place. In
support of their claims, each stated that he was in posses-
sion of the dam of the colt. Having listened to their
respective statements, Tzatzoe directed them to bring both
the animals, and then ordered the colt to be let loose be^
fore all the people. Thi.s was no sooner done, than it
repaired to one of the animals, by which it was immediately
recognized, and treated with expressions of evident plea- ||
sure, while it was unnoticed by the other animal, which it i tW*^
also seemed to avoid. The dispute was now at an end, and
all parties appeared pleased at the manner in which the
proprietorship in the animal was so satisfactorily determined.

•r-^

31 '^rihite fiit tjit Jftgrn.

When a disastrous war broke out between the Kafirs
and the colonists^ Tzatzoe successfully exerted his influence
to restrain his tribe from joining their countrymen in en-
tering the colony ; and afterwards, when called to assist
the colonial government, he led 400 men to the field, where
he continued with the British forces till hostilities ceased
and peace was made with the Kafirs. On his return, he
found the land of his tribes in the occupancy of his friends,
the colonial forces, who had taken possession of his house,
and the grounds which he had stocked with fruit trees, and
brought under cultivation ; thus depriving him of the fruits
of the labours of many years, obliging him again to begin
the formation of a settlement in the uncultivated wilder-
ness, and to fix his dwelling in another part of his own
hereditary land. These fiagrant injuries made a deep im-
pression on his mind, but his clear judgment told him that
England is calumniated in the government of her colonies,
and that a direct appeal to herself would procure immediate
reparation. To obtain the restoration of his rightful pro-
perty, or some compensation, and to solicit further assist-
ance in promoting the moral and spiritual improvement of
his countrymen, he resolved on visiting Great Britain,

Soon after the passing of the act for the abolition of
Slavery in the British colonies, the attention of many of
the benevolent friends of the African and other native tribes
was directed to the effects which had followed the inter-
course of civilized with uncivilized men in different parts
of the world, more especially in coimtries bordering on our
own colonies ; to the principles on which such intercourse
had generally been conducted, and the means by which it
might be rendered in future honourable to the British, and
beneficial to the most distant nations. In 1834, the sub-
ject was considered by parliament, and an address to the
King, in relation to the same, was unanimously agreed to.
This led to the appointment of a select committee, for the
purpose of prosecuting an inquiry, highly honourable to

a €xMt fin: % Sfgrn.

the nation, and replete with promise to the tribes with whom
we may be brought into contact — ^namely, " to consider
what measures ought to be adopted with r^ard to the na-
tive inhabitants of countries where British settiements are
made, and to the neighbouring tribes, in order to secure
to them the due observance of justice, and the protection
of their rights — to promote the spread of civilization — and
to lead them to the peaceful, voluntary reception of the
Christian religion."

The imperative necessity for such an inquiry becomes at
once established by the statement of a few notorious facts.
The first lands acquired by the Dutch at the Cape of Ghxxl
Hope, were paid for by ^* a few trinkets and flasks of
brandy." In consideration of this payment tiiey subse-
quendy possessed themselves of 48,000 square miles, and
finally of the entire productive part of the Hottentot ter-
ritory. The next aggression consisted in seizing the cattle
of the aborigines, and appropriating them to their own uses;
an injustice which the European governor declined to pun-
ish, because so many setders were implicated in this system
of plunder. In addition to the spoliation of their catde
and lands, ^' when a Hottentot offended a setder, he was
tied to a waggon-wheel, and severely flogged, or dispatched
on an errand, and then waylaid and destroyed." In short,
the spirit of extermination seemed to be the influencing
power in the government of the Cape, and the survivors
were only sure of life, so long as they could contribute by
the labour of their hands to enrich the stranger.

Dr. Philip, superintendent of the London Missionary
Society in South Africa, the intrepid advocates of
the natives, who had exerted himself successfully in
securing their civil liberty, as well as in imparting many
religious advantages, having been required to attend the
committee of the House of Commons, returned to Eng-
land in the spring of 1836. It was on this occasion that
Jan Tzatzoe, and Andries Stoffles, a Christian Hottentot,

?^<^-

♦ - ^

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a €nMt for tjit SlBgrn.

with a patriotism that reflects honour on their race^ availed
themselves of the opportunity of crossing the Atlantic
with Dr. Philip, in hopes of creating amongst the Eng-
lish people^ a kindlier feeling, and a warmer interest in
behsJf of their country.

Early in the sununer of 1836, Dr. Philip and his
African companions were repeatedly called to appear
before the Committee of the House of Commons, insti-
tuted for the purpose of enquiring into the inhuman
treatment of the injured Aborigines. The evidence
given on these occasions was published by order of par-
liament, and is of great importance. Andries Stoffles
delivered his testimony with great animation and feeling,
but evident sincerity ; and the Chief gave his evidence with
that simple dignity and frankness which a consciousness of
the truth of his own statements, and a confidence in the
integrity and justice of his auditors, could not fail to inspire.
Evidence, demonstrating beyond doubt or contradiction,
the absence of all foundation for some of the statements
that had been made against him, was produced : he was
listened to with the most respectful attention, and there
was a general impression, that the nation to which he be-
longed, notwithstanding the ignorance and superstition
under which they still laboured, woidd, so far a9 intellec-
tual faculties are concerned, bear a comparison with more

highly civilized and powerful commimities.*

* The engraTing facing the title-page of the present Tolnme represents
the appearance of the African witnesses before the committee. It is from
a painting by Boom, procured by subscription among the friends of Dr.
Philip, and presented to the Directors of the London Missionary Society.
The scene is in one of the rooms where the committee, of which Sir T. F.
Buxton, Bart., was chairman, held its sittings. Tsatzoe is in the act of
giving his eridence. At the opposite end of the table is James Bead, jun.,
acting as interpreter for the chief^ who spoke and wrote before the com*
mittee in the Dutch language. Dr. Philip is seated in the foreground, on
the right, and Stoffles occupies a chair behind the table at the end of which
Tzatzoe is standing. James Bead, sen. is standing behind the chair on
which Stoffles is seated. The likenesses are said to be exceedingly good,
especially those of the Hottentot and the Kaiir chief.

n.^

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a Crilmtt fnr t^ jltgrn.

The following extracts, taken from different parts of the
printed evidence of the Chief, will shew the kind of ques-
tions proposed hy the committee, and the manner in which
they were answered. The evidence of Stoffles was pain-
fully instructive and affecting, though comparatively brief.
A large portion of Tzatzoe*s examination related to the
late war with his nation ; but on this subject, one answer —
his reason for not taking any part on either side at first —
must suffice.

Will you mention the reasons which induced you to re-
frain from taking any part with your countrymen against
the colony ? — In the first place T am a Christian, and the
Scriptures tell us not to fight, or to shed blood ; and that
is the first reason why I remained quiet.

Again, after being questioned on the extent and effects
of missionary labours in Kaffraria, and more particularly
among his own tribe, and whether any places of worship
had been erected ; he was asked, and answered as follows :

How many ? — One church among my own tribe, and Mr.
Ross had a station in the neighbourhood.

What was the capacity of that place of worship ? — It was
great ; much longer than this room.

How many persons would it accommodate ? — 300, and
some' of the people would sit under the trees outside.

Did that number of persons usually attend divine service
on the Sabbath? — Yes.

Did the Missionaries establish an infant school t — ^Yes,
my daughter was the teacher of an infant school.

How many children were there in that school ? — About
100.

Was there any school for older children ? — Yes.

How many scholars were in that school ? — Between 30
and 50.

When you were summoned to attend this committee,
was that summons unexpected ? — I expected it.

Did you not come to England understanding that this

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C^>iJ)

a ^rihtttf for tjit jStgni.

367

committee was sitting, with the view of being examined
before it ? — ^Yes.

You were told at the Cape of Good Hope that a com-
mittee of this sort was sitting ?— Yes.

Who told you ? — I saw it in the newspapers.

Did you ask any advice as to the mode of examination
in these committees, and how you should give your answers ?
— I did not inquire.

Is your father also a Kafir chief? — ^Yes.

How many years have you taken the reins of govern-
iQgQt ? — I have governed since I came back to Kafir land.

How many years is that ago ? — Ten or twelve years.

Have you t£^en the oath of allegiance to the king ? — ^Yes.

Are you a field cornet at this moment ? — ^Yes.

Under such circumstances, did you get permission of
the colonial government to come to this country ? — ^Yes, I
got permission from Colonel Smith to go to Cape Town ;
and when I came to the Cape, I got permission from the
governor to come to England.

Do you appear before the committee here as a Mission-
ary, to advocate the cause of the Kafirs ? — I stand here as
an assistant Missionary, and a Kafir chief.

Who desired you to preach ? — When I felt the power of
the word of God, I went to the Hottentots, and preached
what God had done unto me ; and so the Missionaries en-
gaged me.

Has any portion of your land been seized by the govern-
ment ? — ^Yes.

What reasons did they give to you, who was an ally of
the British government, for taking away your land ?— No
reason that I know of, they did not tell me why they took

the country.

Why did not you complain to the Governor at the Cape
before you came here ? — I thought it was enough that the
governor knew that I had no part in the war, that I was
not guilty, and he should have known that*

■>n

% CrihittB for tjit jStgra^

Did hot you think that the Governor would have done
you justice, if you had made your complaint known to
him ? — No, he would not have done it, as he took the
ground without having any right to it.

How came you to think that the government in England
would be more ready to do you justice than the govern-
ment at the Cape ? — Because from the time of Dr. Van-
derkemp to this time, the Missionaries used to tell us that
the good people and right people were here, and that jus-
tice was here.

Had not you heard that the Governor of the Cape was

very anxious to do justice to all the native people ? — Yes,

I had so ; but he did me no justice.

Are you quite certain that the governor knew that your

country was taken from you ? — The governor was there

when the houses were building — the fort.

Was he aware that it was building upon land that be-
longed to you ? — Certainly ; he must have known it.

Did the governor give you any compensation for the loss
of your buildings ? — No.

Did you ever make any application to the Governor for
redress ? — Why should I go to the governor, if he takes
my things from me ?

Were the lands from which the Governor removed you,
cultivated lands ; or lands in a state of nature ? — He took
my own piece of ground that I had cultivated, and my
garden and my trees.

What did he give you in exchange ? — Nothing.

In what condition was the new place which the governor
appointed to you ; was it cultivated, or uncultivated ? —
The place where I am at present is uncultivated.

Were there any fruit trees in the new place where the
Governor had appointed you to go ? — No ; it is a wilder*
ness.

In whose territory was that wilderness ? — It belongs to
me.

1 1

I I

<^T>o

a '^rMt for \}p 3ltgrn*

So that, in fEtct, the Governor removed you from one
spot in your own territory which was cultivated, to another
spot in your own territory which was uncultivated ? — ^Yes.

Did the Governor know at the time that he was commit-
ting this robhery upon you? — Yes; I am sure that he
must have known it, and therefore I did not speak to him
about it.

Did not the land that was taken away by the Governor,
in reality belong to the Missionary Society, and not to you ?
— It belongs to me.

The evidence of Taztzoe and Stoffles on other points
was equally explicit and conclusive — ^but their testimony
before a section of the British senate was not the only im-
portant object that was accomplished : besides the incalcu-
lable advantage to the native tribes of Africa, of their ap-
pearing before a committee of the British parliament as
witnesses for their countrymen of the wrongs they had en-
dured, their visit to England and Scotland afforded to
multitudes a satisfaction of the highest order, and must
have benefitted the cause of Christian missions throughout
the world. They entered our domestic circles, and attended
our religious assemblies, and were affectionately and cor-
dially welcomed as brethren by Christians of every deno-
mination; their intelligent and pious conversation glad-
dened the hearts of all who had intercourse with them,
and their truly exemplary deportment exemplified the
influence of the gospel on their hearts. New demonstra-
tions were given of the power of the gospel, new motives
to engage in its propagation supplied, and firmer hopes in-
spired of its speedy and universal extension. The eloquence
of the Hottentot produced impressions that will never be
forgotten. At a public meeting in Exeter Hall, London,
for receiving statements from Dr. Philip and his friends in
reference to the missions in South Africa, Andries Stofiles,
addressing the crowded assembly on the effects of the gos-
pel, spoke tiius : —

ia €nMt for tin jiBgtn*

" I wish to tell you what the Bible has done for Africa.
When the Bible came amongst us, we were naked ; we
lived in caves and on the tops of the mountains ; we had no
clothes, but painted our bodies. At first we were sur-
prised to hear the truths of the Bible, which charmed us
out of the caves, and from the tops of the mountains ; made
us throw away all our old customs and practices, and live
among civilized men. We are civilized now ; we know
there is a God. I have travelled with the Missionaries in
taking the Bible to the Bushmen, and other nations. When
the word of God has been preached, the Bushman has
thrown away his bow and arrows. I have accompanied
the Bible to the Kafir nation ; and when the Bible spoke^
the Kafir nation threw away his shield and all his vain cus-
toms. I went to Latakoo, and they forsook all their evil
works ; they threw away their assagais ; and became the
children of God. The only way to reconcile man to man,
is to instruct him in the truths of the Bible. I say again,
where the Bible comes, the minds of men are enlightened ;
where it is not, tliere is nothing but darkness ; it is dan-
gerous, in fact, to travel through such a nation. Where
the Bible is not, man does not hesitate to kill his fellow ;
he never even repents afterwards of having committed miur-
der. Are there any of the old Englishmen here who sent
out the word of God ? I give them my thanks : if there
are not, I give it to their children. Your Missionaries,
when they came to us, suffered with us, and wept with us,
and struggled for us, till they obtained for us the charter
of our liberties — the Fiftieth Ordinance. [The animation
with which the last clause of this sentence was uttered by
Andries Stoffles, produced a deep sensation throughout the
whole auditory. The Fiftieth Colonial Ordinance was issued
by General Bourke in 1828, placing the Hottentots on the
same footing as other free subjects in the Colony. Since
the passing of this Ordinance, though not exempt from
oppression, their circumstances have been greatly improved.]

I •

a €rilrate fer tju jUfgm

When the Fiftieth Ordinance was published, we were then
brought to the light. Then did the young men begin to
learn to write and read* Through that Ordinance we got
infant schools, and our children have been instructed, and
are making progress in learning. You, the posterity of
the old Englishmen, I address you on this occasion ; I am
standing on the bones of your ancestors, and I call upon
you, their children, to-day, to come over and help us. Do
you know what we want ? We want schools and school-
masters — ^we want to be like yourselves."

At the same meeting, the late Edward Baines, Esq.,
M.P. for Leeds, a member of the Committee by which the
Africans were examined, delivered the following honour-
able testimony in their favour ; —

" The Kafir chief," he said, " had given his evidence
with an artlessness and dignity which proved that he was
indeed a Chief. There was about his evidence that which
showed that he had the interest of his nation at heart —
that he came here imbued with a truly noble spirit, and
with the desire of communicating that spirit to others, and
of teaching us how we might make the Aborigines of
A&ica happy, instead of rendering their country desolate.
He had taught us a great lesson in political economy* He
had told us that, by doing justice to the people of Africa,
we should induce them to become our customers and friends.
In this way the African chief had imparted knowledge to
the British senate.

"These witnesses," he added, "did not assume to be the
instructors of the Aborigines Committee, but they did in
reality impart to them much valuable instruction ; and he
would venture to predict, that from this day forward there
never would be heard complaints of the driving of the na-
tive inhabitants from one river to another, of usurping and
seizing their cattle, and of appropriating their territory.
He could not sufficiently impress upon the meeting the
beneficial consequences of the visit of the persons, now

a €nMt kt tju Mt^n.

before them, to Europe. They had given informatioii as to
the state of their country, and imparted a tone to the pub*
lie feeling as to the wrongs of the native inhabitants in our
colonies that would never be obliterated."

The Kafir nation received, so far as the seizure of terri-
tory was concerned, all the justice and restitution that the
British government could award ; the country so unjustly
taken from them was restored, and the most friendly rela-
tions entered into with the rulers and people. Anxious to
benefit his countrymen, Tzatzoe took back to Africa, not,
as has been too often the case, arms and ammunition for
annihilating the human race, but implements of husbandry,
— ^the axe and the spade, the pruning-hook and the plough,
emblems of peace ! with a large supply of books, and all
the apparatus for schools. He was welcomed with the most
cordial affection by the chiefs and people of his nation, who
were in a state of most intense anxiety about his return ;
and he was followed by the prayers and benedictions of all
good men, who must feel a deep interest in all that tends
to the civilization of Africa and the accomplishment of
the promise which declares, that ^^ Ethiopia shall stretch
forth her hands unto God.**

James Backhouse, a Minister of the Society of Friends,
in his Narrative of a visit to the Mauritius and South Afiica,
mentions Tzatzoe as having interpreted for him to his com*
fort. He also visited him at his own house in 18S9. " I
was comforted,*' says J. B., " while sitting a short time
with him, in a very perceptible feeling of the love of our
Heavenly Father, uniting our hearts in gospel fellowship."

One of the Missionaries in Kafirland, by whom Tzatzoe
is well known, writes thus : — ^' Tzatzoe possesses consider-
able talent ; his addresses are pointed and powerful, and
always command the attention of his hearers. As a preacher,
his perfect knowledge of the Kafir character, and his ac-
quaintance with their customs, give him an advantage which
few Europeans can attain in preaching to Kafirs. But the

^^i

4L-^

a 'Srilrate far t^ jBEgnr.

tact wliich he displays in combating Kafir prejudices and
Euperstition, is really surprisiBg. I have often listened
with delight and astonishment to his discourses, which are
BO full, so simple, and yet so powerful. The ease, too, with
which he can effectually arrest the attention of his coun-
trymen, is matter of admiration. Here is a specimen of
the great power of God, in reclaiming a savage, and making
him an instrument in reclaiming others."

The late lamented Thomas Pringle, during his residence
in South Africa, visited the Missionary station at the Buf-
falo river, commenced in compliance with the request of
Tzatzoe's aged father, and has left the following record of
his visit : —

" A ragged moanbun, round irhoae imnniit proud.
The eagle sailed, or hesTed the thooder-cloiid,
Poured, &om i(« doTen breaat, a gurgling brook g
Which down the grauj gladea ita joorney took )
Oft bending round, to IsTe, with nunbliog tide,
The grOTei of erergreen on either lide.
Fast hj this gtrraun, where jet ita oonrse was foung,
And itoojong from the heighta, the forett flong
A gntefbl shadow o'er the nurow ddl,
Appeared the Miasionarj's hermit o^
WoTon of wttttled boughs, and thatched with learos,
The aweet wild jasmine olustering to it* eares,
It stood, with its small casement gleaming through.
Between two ancient cedan t roond it grew
Clumps of aoacias and joung orange bowers.
Pomegranate hedgea, gay with soarlet Qowara ;
And pale-stemmed fig-trees, with their &uit jet green.
And apple blossoms waring light between.
All musical it seemed with bninming bees.
And bright plnmed sngar-birds among the trees
Fluttered, like hting hloBioms.

"In the shade
Of ft grej rock, that midst the leafj glade
Stood like a giant sentinel, we found
The habitant of this fair spot of ground —
A plain, tall Scottish man, of thoaghtful
Qrave, but not gloomj. By his aide was

a €xMi fin; tju Jg^gra.

An Ancient Chief of Amakosa's race,

With javelin armed, for conflict or for chase ;

And seated at their feet, upon the sod,

A youth was reading from the word of Gk)d,

Of Him who came for sinfiil men to die.

Of erery race and tongue beneath the skj.

<< Unnoticed, towards them we softly stept.
Our friend was rapt in prayer — the warrior wept.
Leaning upon his hand : the youth read on ;
And then we hailed the group— the Chieftain's son.
Training to be his country's ChrisUan guide —
And Brownlee, and old Tzatsoe by his side.'

AKDBIE8 8T0FFLE8.

The Hottentot churches which have been gathered by
the missionaries in South Africa, contain many eminent
examples of Christian character and worth. With these
fellow members of the same spiritual body, the Christians
of Europe and other parts of the world would find it de-
lightful occasionally to hold personal intercourse ; but such
meetings have been hitherto exceedingly rare, nor is it
probable that circumstances will arise to make them of
more frequent occurrence for the future. Andries Stoffles
was one of the very few of the Hottentot converts whom
we have had the happiness of welcoming amongst us in
Great Britain. By multitudes of the friends of Africa in
this country, he is affectionately remembered, as one who
was renewed after the image of Christ.

Stofiies, as has already been stated, came to plead the
cause of his wronged and suffering countrymen ; and to
ask, on their behalf, the sympathy and aid of British Chris-
tians. He was a powerful advocate, for he possessed, in
union with the influences of religion, the eloquence of na-
ture and the strength of truth, and left no heart unmoved,
no mind unconvinced by his statements and his appeals.
Having sickened in our ungenial climate, he returned to
Africa, but only survived a few days after reaching the

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a €rilnife for tjif jitgrn*

Cape. To his latest hour he had peace and joy in believ-
ing, and the light of the Saviour's love fell fully on his
soul as it departed to the world of glory.

The following brief account of the life of Andries
Stof&es, detailing his conversion to Christianity, his pro-
gress in the Christian life, and imprisonment for preaching
the gospel, his attachment to the Missionary cause, his
patriotic visit to England, with some particulars of his
death, will be found interesting.

Andries Stoffles was bom in South Africa, about the
year 1776. He was a Hottentot of the Gonah tribe, in-
habiting a country called the Zuirveld, lying between the
Gamtoos and the Great Fish River. From his boyhood,
Stoffles was a close observer, and was gifted with an excel-
lent memory. With a naturally sound judgment, he pos-
sessed an active mind and a sanguine temperament ; and
consequently, at an early age he was found mingling in the
fierce feuds and conflicts which arose at that period be-
tween the Dutch settlers and the Hottentots. In one of
these engagements, he was severely wounded, and narrowly
escaped the loss of life. On another occasion, a waggon
went over his body and nearly killed him. After his con-
version, the remembrance of occurrences which had so
nearly proved fatal, always deeply affected him, and he was
frequently heard to remark, that had he died then, he should
have been lost for ever.

An event which greatly determined his future course in
life, was the circumstance of his being taken prisoner by
the Kafirs, and carried from his own country into Kafir-
land. There he resided for some time, learnt the Ka&r
language, and was employed as an interpreter, in which
capacity he was taken by a Kafir chief to Bethelsdorp,
about the year 1810. Stoffles was then in a savage state,
and arrayed in the manner of the Kafirs, his only clothing
a dressed cow skin thrown loosely over his shoulders, and
his body smeared with grease and red ochre. When he

fl €xMt kt tjn JIfgni.

'^^.j

' >. "a

first attended divine worship at Bethelsdorp, he was so ig-
norant of its purpose and meaning, as to suppose that the
people had assembled to receive rations of provisions, or
presents of beads and buttons. But he was soon unde-
ceived — divine grace speedily reached his heart, though it
was some time before his mind was fully enlightened as to
the way of salvation. His second attendance in the house
of God, which has been characteristically described by him-
self, made a deep impression upon him. The conviction of
sin smote immediately upon his conscience, and he was no
longer the same man. He returned to the Kafirs, and tried
to be happy in his former ways ; in dancing, and merri- j
ment, and idle mirth ; but conscience pursued him, and he
could find no rest.

Labouring under a deep sense of sin, and having in vain
sought relief to his mind in heathen companionship, Stofiles
returned to Bethelsdorp, and again listened to the preach-
ing of the gospel ; but his convictions were only strength-
ened, and the agitation of his mind increased in proportion.
Overcome by his internal conflicts he frequently hastened
from the chapel to the bush, weeping aloud. Here, it is
said, he would spend hours, and even days, apart from
human intercourse, praying to God for mercy, and seeking
for rest to his heavy laden spirit. In this state he con-
tinued for two or three years, bowed down under the con-
sciousness of guilt, beset vnth the terrors of self-condemna-
tion, and unable to apply to himself the rich remedies of
the gospel of peace. But He who hath promised not to
break the bruised reed, nor quench the smoking flax, at
length shed abroad a clearer light in his soul — the way of
salvation through a crucified Saviour was fully revealed to
him — ^his penitential sorrow did not cease, but its bitterness
was gone — he saw by faith the " Lamb slain from the foun- ^|t<,
dation of the world " — the burden of sin passed away — his
eye glistened, and his heart was filled with joy, for the
blood of Christ had imparted peace to his soul.

:^.

ia €rilittb for tjji Jlfgrn.

Turned from darkness to light, Stoffles believed himself
called upon to testify of the grace of God to those around
him, manifesting the utmost anxiety (ot the salvation of
his fellow men. His conversations, addresses, and prayers,
deeply impressed all who heard him. Often were whole
assemblies of natives and Europeans melted into tears when
he spoke to them of the dying love of the Saviour. This
was the subject ever uppermost in his mind, and in dwell-
ing upon it, his flow of language was peculiar to himself.
His wife and many of his relations also became converted.

Some time after his conversion, a magistrate, residing at
a distance from Bethelsdorp, applied to the station for a
few men to assist in some public works. Stoffles volunteered
to go, but no sooner arrived in the locality than he began
to preach to the Hottentots and Slaves, with great effect.
There was much weeping, and it was said that he would
drive all the people mad. He was forbidden to preach ;
but he continued to do so, believing it right to obey God,
and he was consequently imprisoned. He now began
preaching to the prisoners, who were numerous, with simi-
lar effects ; so that the only alternative was to release him,
and send him back to Bethelsdorp. He ever considered it
an honour to have been in bonds for Christ's sake.

When the Missionaries for Lattakoo arrived in Africa,
Stoffles accompanied them to their station through the
country of the wild Bushmen, to many of whom he was
the first to convey the glad tidings of salvation. He assisted
in the opening of the Lattakoo Mission, and remained there
four years. To the Missionaries, who placed the fullest
confidence in him, he rendered essential service. He pos-
sessed such a knowledge of the native character, that the
brethren could always beneficially consult him. He tra-
velled with them to all the towns and villages of the
Bechuanas, accompanied the minister Campbell, on his
second journey to Kurachana ; and minister Miles, through
Kafiraria to the Tambookie country ; he likewise travelled

378

% €nMt for tin 3ljgrn.

much with Dr. Philip. In all these journeys, though often
wearied with the work of the day, he never retired to rest
without singing a hymn and prayer.

Stoffles was a true patriot ; his concern for the welfare of
his country increased with his years, and he entered with
earnestness and intelligence into every subject connected
with it. He felt keenly the degraded condition of his
people, who had lost their hereditary lands, their property,
and their freedom ; and his mind was constantly engaged
in considering the means by which it could be improved.
When the Hottentots gained their civil liberties, his joy
was extreme, and when government offered them land at
Xat River, though it involved at first great hardship and
privation, yet as he thought it was for his country's good,
he was the first to go and take possession of what he termed
the Hottentots' Land of Canaan. He subsequently de-
voted himself entirely to the welfare of the settlement, and
the people at the several locations all regarded him as their
friend, their guide, and their defender.

His services, in reference to the spiritual concerns of
the people at Kat River, were also highly important. Until
a Missionary came to that part of Africa, Stoffles, with the
assistance of other pious natives, conducted the services on
the Sabbath, and every evening in the week. He after-
wards acted as deacon of the community of Hottentot
Christians at Philiptown, where 400 were united in fellow-
ship ; and with great benefit to the people, he watched
over the flock with great zeal, faithfulness, and activity.
He conducted the prayer meetings with marked propriety,
and his addresses on those occasions produced the happiest
effects among his countrymen.

Stoffles and his family were the first settlers at the Kat
River ; and for the prosperity of the settlement, his expe-
rience, abilities, infiuence, and efforts, were constantly em-
ployed, especially in promoting education, and extending
to every location the advantages of religious instruction.

I I

T-^.

1 < ■

% (Crihiife kt tju jSfgrn,

In common with all the inhabitants of this important settle-
ment, he mourned over the disastrous effects of the unjust,
capricious, and arbitrary detention of the Missionaries
from their station, after the termination of a war with the
Kafirs, which prevented them resuming their labours of
love and usefulness. To ask from the equity and honour-
able feeling of the government at home, a remission of this
decree, and the privilege of their return, which had been
denied by the Governor in the colony, was one of his prin-
cipal objects in visiting Great Britain.

Early in 1836, Stoffles embarked for England, in com-
pany with Dr. Philip, James Read, jun., and Jan Tzatzoe,
the Kafir chief; and arrived in London in the fifth month.
Besides being desirous of exerting himself in England on
behalf of his country ; he wished to see, he said, and be-
come acquainted with, the people by whom the Gospel had
been sent to their Heathen land ; and to express his grati-
tude to them for the inestimable blessing. These objects
he effected, but not to the extent which he desired. Before
the Aborigines Committee of the House of Commons, he
stated the grievances of his afiiicted countrymen, and pro-
duced a strong impression in favour of their claims and his
own. To the friends of missions, in various parts of the
kingdom, his animated and eloquent addresses, joined with
his fervent, unaffected piety, afforded the highest interest,
and the most hallowed delight.

But his health soon began to decline, principally owing
to the hostile influence of the climate. It was recommended
that he should leave England immediately, and towards the
conclusion of the year he embarked for Africa, accompa-
nied by J. Read, jun., and E. Williams. At the com-
mencement of the voyage, his health apparently rallied ;
but after crossing the line, a relapse followed, and on his
arrival at the Cape, he sunk rapidly, and died in the early
part of 1837, aged about 60 years.

In his dying hoiurs, his mind was calm and resigned. He

a €n\ivk &t % jBtgrn.

had never» he said, enjoyed more of the presence of God,
his Saviour^ than during the voyage. When he ceased to
anticipate recovery > he expressed regret at not being spared
" to go and tell his people what he had seen and heard in
England. He would go and tell his story in Heaven, but
he thought they knew more there than he could tell them.**

The death of Stoffles was lamented by multitudes of the
natives, both within and beyond the colony ; the people of
Elat river were scarcely to be comforted, and it was feared
by some that his wife and daughter, who were exceedingly
attached to him, would faU sacrifices to their grief. But
many prayers were offered on their behalf, that their deep
affliction might bring forth abundantly the peaceable firuits
of righteousness.

In personal appearance, Andries Stoffles was of middle
stature, stout, and robust, but active, with a countenance
remarkably intelligent and expressive. The portrait of him
in the engraving facing the title page of this volume, in
which he is represented seated at the table, is said to be an
exceedingly good one.

EXTBACT OF A LETTEB FBOX 70HK CAKDLBB.

Jamaica, 1840.
In the afternoon we reached Spanish Town. An Anti-
Slavery Convention of delegates from the whole island, met
the next morning, and a public meeting was held in the
evening in the Baptist Chapel, attended by about 2000
persons, the main body of it consisting of lately emancipated
Slaves. It was a meeting of amazing interest. Imagine a
platform in the capital of Jamaica, the chair occupied by a
great planter, a member of the Legislative Council, sur-
rounded by Missionaries of several denominations, mem-
bers of the Established Church, some of the Society of
Friends, and planters of large property, who lately pos-
sessed nimierous Slaves, and who now rejoice in the change

V •<•<

_ _-s

a €iMt fat tjit Jlignr.

from Slavery to Freedom* Before usj in the body of the
chapel and the spacious galleries, a dense crowd of men
and women of all colours, admirably attired, and behind
the platform, tier upon tier of intelligent Black men, from
the neighbouring properties, who had come in troops to
enjoy the pleasures of the evening, and respond to the ob-
servations that pleased them* Some of the speeches were
excellent, particularly those of Capt. Stuart, Wm. Knibb,
John Clarke ; and J. J* Gumey's pointed address to the
Black people fixed their attention deeply. They are a
very shrewd people.

GBATSFTTL SLAVES.

The more I have seen of the Negroes in Jamaica, writes
Dr. Madden, and observed their conduct, the more reason
I have to think that they are naturally a good-humoured,
easily-contented, kind-hearted race, amply disposed to ap-
preciate kind treatment and to be grateful for it. Of their
disposition to appreciate benefits, even in the trifling way
I have endeavoured to be serviceable to them, by protect-
ing them from injustice to the best of my poor ability, I
have had proofs enough of their grateful feelings towards
me. One poor fellow of the name of Cochrane came to me
the other day to take leave of me : I had never rendered
him the slightest service, but I had been civil to him, and
he had been in the habit of coming to my house* He took
leave of me with tears in his eyes : Dr. Chamberlaine was
present : he took me aside and put a paper into my hand,
which he said was a small present, which he hoped I would
accept, to think of him when I was gone. I opened the
paper, and to my surprise, I found it contained three
Spanish doubloons, (equal to £10. sterling). I cannot de-
scribe what I felt in assuring this poor Negro I did not
need his gold to remember him and his race with kindly
feelings. It was with difficulty I could prevail on him to

a '^nMt fat tin Jltgra^

take it back. He turned away abruptly from me^ and that
night I had a kid sent to me, which he sent me word he
hoped might be of use to me on my voyage home.

Two days ago, an old man, whom I had never seen be-
fore, entered the gate as I was going out, and addressed
me in Arabic, he was a native of Africa, and he presented
a pair of ducks, which he said he brought for me a long
way, to make part of my sea stock. He seemed to think I
was a friend to his countrymen, and he wished to prove to
me that he was grateful for it. I accepted the old man's
ducks, with more gratification than, perhaps, a European
minister ever felt at receiving a diamond snuff-box from the
Sultan. In short, for the last week, I have been receiving
more presents of fruit and poultry than I know what to do
with. In every instance in which I have been able to ren-
der any service to a Negro, I have found him mindful of
it, and fkr more grateful for it than I could have expected.

8IXE0K WILHSLX

Was bom on the west coast of Africa, about the year 1800,
and was received when nine years old into the Missionary
School at Bashia. He manifested a teachable, gentle, af-
fectionate disposition, had a pleasing countenance, and was
much gratified with the pains taken to instruct himself and
other African children in knowledge and religion. About
the year 1815, he was baptized, and had the name of Si-
meon Wilhelm given to him, after the missionary Wilhelm,
who was much attached to him.

In 1816, Edward Bickersteth visited the Settlements of
the Church Missionary Society in Africa, and staid some
time at Bashia. " The more I saw of Simeon," says he,
" the more I was pleased with him, and as he desired to
visit England, that he might qualify himself to be usefrd
to his countrymen, it appeared that I might be really serv-
ing the cause of religion by taking him to England. His

% €n\aAt for tin 35Bgrn.

383

heart bounded within him, and his eyes beamed with joy and \^
thankfulness, when I told him he might go with me. He ^' "^

promised to do everything that I wished^ and he never
broke this promise."

The African youth set sail with his kind preceptor in
1816. " During our passage," writes the latter, " we often
sang hymns together, in a retired part of the deck ; and I
had frequently interesting conversation with him. The
weather was, in general, very favourable ; but towards the
end of the voyage it became stormy. On the 13th of
August, in particular, we had a very stormy night ; but
Simeon did not seem in any way alarmed or agitated.
He slept in my cabin, and I talked with him on our danger ;
but he seemed wholly to rely on God, committed himself
to his protection at bed-time, and soon fell asleep.

After arriving in England, Edward Bickersteth being
himself too much occupied to superintend his education,
the offer of F. Cunningham, Vicar of Pakefield, to instruct
him in useful knowledge, and prepare him to become a
blessing to his countrymen, was gladly accepted. He so-
journed under the hospitable roof of that gentleman for
some time, where his conduct gave great satisfaction,
but his health soon required his being removed, and he
was admitted into the National School in Shoe-lane, where
he soon rose to the first class. Here he was attacked with
a pulmonary complaint, and as it was feared the climate of
this country would not suit his constitution, it was pro-
posed that he should return to Africa, and his physician
informed him of it. He expressed a very strong desire to
remain in England, and as he cheerfully resigned his life
to God, it was thought best to indulge him with staying.
He gradually recovered from this sickness : and his gratir
tude, exemplary conduct, meek and affectionate spirit, in-
creased the love of those about him.

" His general behaviour," says E. Bickersteth, " was
truly exemplary. Those who had the happiness of seeing

a tribute for tjit J^tgrn.

it, will never forget his meek, gentle, and afFectionatespirit.
He was grateful for the least kindness* His ardent attach-
ment to myself, the way in which his eye followed me when
I at any time left home, and the manner in which he wel-
comed me on my return, showed how sensible he was of
the least kindness. He was always very attentive when
the Scriptures were explained, and heartily joined when a
psalm or hymn was sung. We found it sometimes useful
to refer, when reading the Scriptures, to parallel passages.
Those who first found these passages, read them aloud.
Simeon was frequently, if not generally, the first, on these
occasions, being well acquainted with his Bible.'*

Arabic being understood by the Mandingoes, on the
western coast of Africa, and the knowledge of it giving an
ascendancy in their opinion, Simeon began to learn Arabic ;
and had made, before his death, considerable progress in
reading and writing that language. He had also begim to
learn Latin.

His worthy preceptor requested him to endeavour occa-
sionally, to write on any texts which he might choose, such
sermons as he would wish to address to his countrymen
when he should return to Africa. I regret that space will
not allow the insertion of some of these, indicating as they
do a clear discernment of the gospel, and of its powerful
influence on the mind of this African youth ! Several let-
ters he wrote show where his treasure and his heart were.
" Oh, may I fear the Lord," he writes, *' that he may teach
me, above all, to love Him and keep his commandments.
May the Lord deliver me from the vanity of my own
heart, and entirely keep me from the world, and not let
me be a mere professor of religion, but a doer of it ! &c.

When he became, from increasing weakness, confined to
his bed, the servants of the family waited on him with un- ^s^
wearied affection. He was attended by medical men, who
strove to recover him to health and usefulness, but in vain.
The Missionary, Henry C. Decker, watched over himwit^

-'i' »•

^;''

ia €rilHtti fat tji? Mt^n.

385

the most constant and kind attention^ and his copious notes
made during his last ilbiess^ furnish an interestingly affect-
ing view of the gradually closing scene.

" Simeon/' he says, " delighted in prayer, and in hearing
the Bible read to him ; and reminded me of a tender lamb,
which the faithful Shepherd bears in his arms, and nurses
in his bosom. I asked him sometimes if he was comforted
in his mind. 'Can you think on the Saviour?' *Yes.'
* Have you hope that your sins are forgiven you ? ' ' O
yes ! — He has shed his blood for me.' "

" He was very grateful for every thing that was done for
him. He desired me one day to read some chapters in the
Bible. I read the 3rd and 17th chapters of John, and
made some remarks on them. After being silent about
half an hour, he said : ' True repentance ! pardoning grace!
sanctification ! ' — and frequently repeated these words. I
asked him if he wanted anything. He answered : ' No !
I must be silent and pray. I have very much to think re-
specting true repentance.* He was, through the night,
very silent, and much occupied in prayer."

One morning H. D. having prayed with him, he prayed
beautifully himself at some length. *' I was very glad to
hear this prayer," says H. D., " and was obliged to retire
for some minutes, in order to give free course to my tears
of gratitude to the Lord, for the grace given to this dear
youth. He was all the day very quiet and patient, not-
withstanding the increase of his fever. He expressed him-
self as being happy, and able to think on the Saviour and
his love ; but added, * I have much to think respecting con-
version : therefore I want to be silent, and to pray in ray
thoughts.'

" Simeon's illness continued to increase. When I some-
times spoke to him, he would say, ' I must be silent : I
have much to think on, and to pray for. I must be really
converted.' The Holy Spirit seemed to be more and more
preparing him for his heavenly mansion. After I had

% Criktttt fiir tilt Jltgrn.

communicated something comfortable to him, he remaiked,
with a smiling countenance, * That is a joyful message/ —
meaning it was adapted to his state — * I am comfortable, I
feel no pain, all is over, I pray only that I may love the
Saviour more, who is so kind to me.' It was delightful to
see him so happy. He found it a great comfort, that he
had physicians, who not only provided him with medicines
for the body, but spoke to him concerning his soul.

" He one day asked for some paper, and tried to write ;
but being too weak to hold the pen, he said : * Mr. Decter,
tell the boys atBashia,' naming four of them, 'that Simeon
is going to the Saviour in heaven ; but he prays with his
dying lips to the Lord, that they may turn with all their
hearts to Jesus, and may be really converted by the power
of the Holy Spirit. He begs them to give over all their
hearts to him, that none of them, by remaining in imbelief
and sin, may be lost ; but that all, as true believers, may
meet with him in heaven.* " On his friend's saying, " Simeon,
you are very happy ; you will in a short time see the Sa-
viour in whom you have believed, and be a partaker of his
glory :" raising his voice, he exclaimed : " O Saviour, come !
O Lord Jesus ! take me homd to Thee ; I want to be with
Jesus ! — ^You go to Africa, and I to heaven ; but we are
united in Christ." He afterwards said : ** O Lord ! look
with thy compassion on a poor Negro lying here ! O Lord !
hear the prayer of a dying Negro, and convert my country-
men ! send true preachers to them. Take me to heaven.
Lord Jesus ! " All present were moved to tears.

About two o'clock, on the morning of his death, he
asked for some refreshment ; when he had ate and drank,
he said cheerfully : " This is the last time — ^I want no more
— I shall go to my Saviour in heaven." He then poured out,
with a loud and distinct voice, a fervent prayer for himself,
for his relatives, for his countrymen, and for all his friends
and benefactors. He spoke continually of the joy of
being for ever with the Lord. About nine, he said to a

•^

W$^<^

^€*^

a ^rilrafe firr tin Mtita.

companion, *' pray for Siineon, that the Lord may give him
patience/* He then fell into a slumber ; and aboat ten
o^cIock, after an illneas of six weeks, he calmly fell asleep
in Jesus*

One of the kindiriends who had been a good deal with
him during his last illness, and witnessed his final close,
observed, in a letter written soon after : — " This young
African died, under the most clear, decided, and powerful
influence of divine grace. His Christian intelligence and
tenderness charmed every one around him. His love to his
poor country was ardent, and his prayers unceasing. His
death has deeply impressed all of us who witnessed it* We
have had many anxious hours in this house respecting
Africa ; but God has placed before our eyes a scene, which
is a full reward for all that we have felt and feared. These
first-fruits gathered home to God assure us that an abun-
dant harvest will follow."

John Cooper, a brother-in-law of EL Bickersteth's, says :
— *' I visited Simeon occasionally during lus illness ; but
within the last week of his life, I saw him daily, and sat
up with him part of the two nights preceding the last. He
was usually in a serene and heavenly state of mind* At
every interview, I was constrained to admire the grace of
God in him. I cannot repeat all that he said on these oc-
casions ; but it was expressive of that humble and believing
state of mind, and that lively hope and longing to be with
Christ, which the Christian, who has borne the burden and
heat of the day for half a century, might rejoice to expe-
rience when he comes to die."

L0VI8 DE8B0VLEAVX.

Pinsum, a captain in the Slave Trade, and a Planter of
St. Domingo, had a confidential Slave, whom he was per-
petually flattering with the hope of speedy freedom ; but
the more pains he took to render himself useful^ the more

a €n\ivk for tift Mt^n.

firmly were his fetters rivetted. Louis Desrouleaux, whose
schemes for obtaining his liberty rendered him very
economical and laborious, soon amassed funds more than
sufficient to purchase his freedom. He offered them with
transport for the purchase of his independence, which had
been so often promised him. " I have too long traded with
the blood of my fellow-creatures/' said his master, in a
tone of humiliation ; " be free ; you restore me to myself."

Pinsum, whose heart had been rather led astray than
corrupted, now sold all his effects, and embarked for France
with great riches ; but in a few years lost all and returned
to St. Domingo. Those who, when he was rich, called
themselves his friends, now took very little notice of him ;
but his emancipated Slave, who had acquired a fortune by
his industry, now supplied the place of his former friends.
Hearing of the situation of his old master, he hastened to
find him, and gave him lodging and food. Perceiving him,
however, unhappy, he proposed that he should return again
to France, and reside where his feelings would not be mor-
tified by the sight of ungrateful men. *' My gratitude will
follow you," said the Negro, embracing his old master,
*' here is a contract for an annual income of 1500 livres.**

Pinsum wept for joy ; the annuity was always paid be-
forehand ; and some presents, as tokens of friendship, often
accompanied it, until the death of Louis Desrouleaux, in
1774.

' ,

PBIHCE GAGAHGHA ACQVA.

A BRIEF NOTICE OP PRINCE OAGANGHA EMANUEL ACQUA, SON OP ACQUA, KIKG
OP THE CAilARONES, COMMUNICATED IN A LETTER TO THE AUTHOR BT
JOHN BURTT.

London, 5th of 2nd Mo., 1848.
My Dear Friend, L^

Amidst the attempts which have been made to depress !"^
the African character, by exhibiting it as incapable of im-
provement, it becomes not only an agreeable, but an

a (Krikate fiir t^ jgtgrn^

imperative duty, to adduce evidence of an opposite nature ;
and to show that circumstances, whether their influences
be good or evil, operate no less powerfully on the sable in-
habitants of a tropical climate, than on the natives of more
northern latitudes, where opportunities have been employed
to remove the ignorance of uncivilized man, and to invest
him with the glorious light of religion and science. How
has it raised the brutal to the rational — the degraded to
the noble — the idolatrous to the Christian character !
What was once the condition of Druidical Britain, when,
in the most barbarous manner, parents sacrificed their off-
spring to senseless deities ? And to what can her present
position amongst the nations be attributed, but to that
expansion of knowledge, human and divine, with which she
has been pre-eminentiy favoured by the providence of
Him who hath made of one blood all tiie inhabitants of
the earth ?

These observations are naturally suggested by an out-
line of the history and character of Prince Gagangha
Emanuel Acqua, who, in 1833, having obtained permis-
sion of his father, the King of the Camarones, to visit
Cuba, embarked on board a Spanish schooner, as he him-
self expressed it, " to see the White man's country." The
vessel was freighted with a cargo of Slaves, probably in
part supplied by Acqua's father, who, like himself, had
been brought up in the odious traffic in human beings.
She was pursued and taken by an English man-of-war, on
board of which the Prince was detained about five months,
and was deprived of 300 dollars, the whole of what he had
brought for his travelling expenses.

Such a privation excited an imfavourable feeling on the
part of the sufferer, who could not clearly understand that
the fact of his having been met with onboard a Slave-ship,
was, to say the least, a circumstance of strong suspicion of
wrong doing. While on board this vessel, he assisted in
capturing two other ships engaged in the same iniquitous

traffic, rme of which waa freighted with 646 of his miaer- I '•'
able countrymen. Acqua was taken to Jamaica, ham >.
whence he proceeded to England, hoping to obtain a free
passage to Sierra Leone or Fernando Po. He was probably '.
encouraged in this hope not only by reflecting on his rank 1 1
aa an African Prince, but as being the son of a chief whose |
liberality to our countrymen was well known in his gratai- I
tons supplies of provisions to the English captuus on the '
coast of Fernando Po. I

On reaching Portsmouth, destitute of money, the Board |
of Admiralty furnished him with the means of proceeding "'
to London, where, having letters of introduction from |
several naval officers, he became a recipient of those ,,
kindly attentions which weli-reconuneoded foreigners meet
with in the British metropolis. Here, amongst others, he '
found a warm benefactor in Joseph Phillips, formerly of ',
Antigua, now a magistrate in the West Indies. Under bis |,
roof Prince Acqua waa entertained in the kindest manner, '.
while wailing for an opportunity to return to his own '
country. During bis stay of some months in London, he
was under constant anxie^ to be restored to his family
connexions ; which was rendered more intense by his pes-
petual fear, that they would be distressed with & belief
that he had met with an untimely end. Thus, the feelings
of filial affection wrought powerfully on his yet untutored
mind, and evidenced the possession of moral qualities, which
his Christian friends felt it incumbent on them to cultivate
for the augmentation of his own happiness, as well as ftn
the benefit of those who might hereafter fall within the
sphere of his influence.

It is probable that until his arrival in England he bad
seldom associated with such aa recognize any feeling of jus-
tice towards his oppressed countrymen, or any desire to > Ws)
promote the cause of humanity where it might interfere
with their own sordid interest. Trained in early life to
supply the Slave Captains with the victims of their avarice.

% €rilnib far tjit jltgni.

his mind had necessarily been brutalized by a system which
comprises every description of cruelty and fraud ; never-
theless, amidst the gloom of ignorance^ of guilt, and super-
stition, the rudiments of future usefulness were discernible ;
and, from the judicious care he now experienced, it may
be hoped that his visit to our shores has already proved an
event of substantial benefit.

At the period referred to, I frequently saw him at my
own house, or at the residence of Joseph Phillips. We
perambulated many parts of the metropolis t(^ether, when
every faculty would at times appear to be absorbed in ad-
miration and astonishment ; and it required some care not
to overcharge his mind with those sudden transitions, which,
from the intensity of excitement, might prove almost over-
whelming. Under the dome of the cathedral^ while sur-
veying its magnificent roof, he was feu: from being insensible
of that sublimity of feeling which has generally been con-
sidered incompatible with the African intellect There, I
observed the hand which had probably set fire to many a
Negro hut, and seized and bound the terrified inhabitant,
itself bound as by the spell of some power hitherto un-
known ; and which, placed on his temples, seemed for a
time perfectly disabled by the sudden rush of new and
multitudinous ideas that evidently oppressed him. The
same effect was observable when from the summit of the
monument he was shown the habitations of two millions of
human beings. On such occasions he would for some mo-
ments appear incapable of articulation, only manifesting
his feelings by a peculiar expression of the countenance,
presently followed by some such expressions as these —
" Ah ! White men know everything ; I cannot speak what
I think."

Prince Acqua more and more highly appreciated Euro-
pean knowledge ; and I well recollect, while upon the lofty
column already named, he was not only greatly affected with
the stupendous scene, but at that juncture in particular,

a €nMt firr tju 3lfgtn.

Hv'

he was earnest in soliciting me to go home with him
to instruct the Camarone people in useful learning, as-
suring me that I should be liberally rewarded in the best
products of the soil ; and judging from an observation which
I once heard him make in connection with the superior
attainments of Europeans over his own countrymen, the
schoolmaster is indeed wanted in his father's dominions*
Their mode of accounting for our superiority is, by sup-
posing that at the creation, " White men*' were made of
the best material, while the refuse only had been used in
the formation of our sable brethren* In his own countiy,
when anything of peculiar excellence was exhibited, he
said it was common to view it as the immediate workman-
ship of a divine hand ; " but now," he exclaimed with evi-
dent delight, " I have myself seen such things made by
men." Such expressions were interesting as throwing a
light on our species when in an imcivilized state ; but the
following account which he gave of the manner of supply-
ing the White traders vrith their victims is truly affecting.
It naturally leads to the sad reflection, how deplorable it
is that professing Christians should occasion the horrible
outrages on humanity which are daily perpetrated.

" We take many men," said he, " who can shoot : my
father has forty hundred men who can use guns which he
has bought. We walk many days imtil we come near, and
then only walk at night, and enter the village. A few men
fire their guns ; the people awake and run out ; we fire
and kill a few, and surprise them all during their fright.
We take as many as we can away, and drive them before us
tied together, and sell them to the factors. We give them a
man for a gun ; sometimes for hatchets and clothes. It is
wrong to sell a man, but they (the White Christians) will
have nothing else for their guns and clothes. It is your arC-)
fault that we sell him : you do more wrong than we do,
because you know better. You have the Book ; you
know God, &c."

'-■^Ai/^-

(kUlJ)

% a^rihiib for tlji J^tgrn^

It was interesting to witness the gradations by which the
cheering beams of intelUgence occupied the former abodes
of ignorance and superstition. After being shown many
mechanical operations, he was conducted through various
exhibitions of natural history, antiquities, &c. ; and while
enjoying the rich gratification afforded by the British Mu-
seum, I found ample opportunity for observing the gifts,
which, although long uncultivated, had been liberally be-
stowed on this our sable brother by the common parent of
mankind. At the same time I rejoiced in the assurance
that in England at least, he had a circle of friends, who,
during his continuance amongst them, were anxious so to
exercise his various faculties, that they might be as per-
fectly developed as circumstances would allow. In the
British Museum, Acqua, with much interest, drew my at-
tention to specimens of ingenuity brought from his own
coimtry, which he quickly discovered ; and the readiness
with which he comprehended my explanations of things
hitherto unknown, afforded abundant evidence that his
stock of general knowledge was not only increasing, but that
correct views on the most important subjects were also
taking possession of his mind. Pointing out some of the
idols of Fernando Fo, he showed his sense of the absurdity
of holding them in reverence by emphatically remarking
that if they were Gods they would not suffer themselves
to be taken captive, and be there confined within the nar-
row precincts of a house.

An excitement arising from anxiety to return home
operated against any systematic mode of instruction which
Frince Acqua might otherwise have received, yet his ac-
quirements of a religious nature were satisfactorily pro-
gressing. The following anecdote was related to me by my
friend Jeremiah Wiffin, the elegant translator of Tasso : —

The prince having been taken to two places of public
worship, described what he saw and felt in a manner which
proved his attention and discrimination. Having taken his

6 E

51 (Krihttti for tjif Mtitn.

seat in the place to \?luch he was first introduced, he ob-
served the air of indifference with which several came in and
walked to their seats : to him, he said, some appeared proud
and haughty, and others light and inattentive ; but little
seriousness being discernible. The music, he said, pro-
duced no effect on his mind but an inclination to dance.
At the second place to which he was taken, he said he saw
a number of persons sitting in a serious frame of mind,
amongst whom he soon became serious himself. Presently
one of them arose, and spoke in a manner which he said
appeared ** wonderful" ; his spiritual condition being so
clearly addressed as forcibly to remind him of his former mns,
and to convince him ** how wicked he was.'* His conscience
was so powerfully awakened, that in a humble state of
mind, yet with an originality of expression which was com-
mon to him, he declared to his friends that he had been
wholly subdued. " The preacher," said he, " gave me a
great blow, and knocked me down."

During his stay in London, Prince Acqua was introduced
to Lord John Russell, and to that indefatigable friend of
the African, Thos. Fowell Buxton. The latter, amongst
other marks of attention, presented him with a case furnished
with the necessary apparatus for writing, and having the
following inscription engraved on a plate : —

GAOANGHA EMANUEL ACQUA,

PRINCE BOYAL OF THE CAMAROKES IN AFRICA.

THIS CASE WAS PRESENTED TO HIM WHEN IN ENGLAND,

NOV. 10, 1882,

BY THOMAS FOWELL BUXTON, ESQ.,

MEMBER OF THE BRITISH PARLIAMENT,

THE FAITHFUL ADVOCATE FOR THE ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE TRADE
AND SLAVERY THROUGHOUT THE WORLD.

'i V.

<^^

Considerable pains were taken to imbue the mind of Ac- .^^^
qua with a due regard to the natural rights of man, and the [^'] ;

^UJ)

a €xMi for tin jSfgni.

importance of treating all our fellow creatures with justice
and humanity ; and it was a great satisfaction that he who
had been trained to cruelty, and made familiar with atro-
city and bloodshed, became so far a convert to the cause of
right, as to declare his sense of the evils of Slavery, and to
condemn the traffic in men as a system of the grossest ini-
quity. Whilst lamenting that his own people took part
in supporting it, he justly complained of those European
nations which employed their capital in perpetuating its
horrors ; stating that scarcely a White man who visited his
native shores was worthy of being trusted : that they op-
posed every measure for instructing his countrymen, the
more easily to impose on their ignorance. " Only one,"
said he, '' of all the captains who have had transactions with
my father has been a good man." All the rest he charged
with having deceived and robbed either the king or his
people ; who, degraded as they are, nevertheless earnestly
desire improvement.

For the purpose of being educated, two of Acqua's
brothers had formerly been confided to the care of a Liver-
pool merchant of high standing ; instead of which he em-
ployed them in manual labour several years, and finally
sent them back nearly as ignorant as they were on the
day of their arrival ; by which dishonest conduct the laud-
able intentions of their father were cruelly defeated.

With a vivid recollection of such treatment, the prince
naturally feared that his long absence from his native land
would create in his father's mind painful apprehensions for
his safety. Alas ! alas ! what confidence can the untaught
African place in the refined, the intelligent, the highly
professing European !

Prince Acqua was partially acquainted with the English,
Spanish, and Portuguese languages. His complexion was
of a jet black ; and scientific men much admired the
organic structure of his head. His general bearing was
also considered to indicate a degree of conscious superiority ;

% €n\aAt far t^ $mu.

0^ -

and, notwithstanding the disadvantages of his early train-
ings he was remarkably humane towards the poor ; which
was once particularly evinced when we met with an in-
dustrious artisan^ whose wages were inadequate to his
wants* With a countenance full of commiseratioDi he
solemnly uttered these expressive words^ '^ God Almighty
does not like it to be so.'* Deeply interesting and instruc-
tive were many of his expressions^ characterized as they
often were with energy, originality, and native simplicity ;
and I may here observe that the solicitude which had been
felt for his welfare during a visit of some months, was not
diminished by his departure for Sierra Leone ; to which
place a free passage was granted by the Government.

Prince Acqua left England near the end of 1832; and
by a letter from Captain Stevens dated " Sierra Leone, the
22nd of Jan., 1833," we received many gratifjring particu-
lars respecting him ; especially his grateful acknowledg-
ments of the kindness he had received in London; of
which he requested the Captain to say he could not find
sufficient words to express the fullness of his feeling. Sa-
tisfactory mention was also made of his continued progress
in useful learning, and his desire to adhere to the instruc-
tions which had been bestowed upon him. Captain Stevens
likewise expressed his belief that if Acqua should continue
to cherish the feelings and principles which then actuated
him, he would prove instrumental in promoting the cause
of human happiness in his own country.

To so true a friend of the Coloured people as thyself, I
need make no apology for the length of this letter, the
tenor of which appears to harmonize with thy " Tribute
for the Negro," and to corroborate the opinion entertained
by thee of the capacity of the African for receiving moral
and intellectual improvement. Prince Acqua arrived in ^
England ignorant, superstitious, and vitiated ; the natural
result of disadvantages which had ever attended him ; but
after a few months of judicious management, his range of v

^!fm

31 €nMt for tin Mt^n.

thought was enlarged and refined; moral and religious
principles were readily imbibed ; and instead of desiring
to renew those outrages on humanity to which he had been
unhappily trained, there was reason to hope that he re-
turned to his native land, with a sincere disposition to
labour for its permanent improvement.

Having now, my dear friend, complied with thy request,
as far as many interruptions would allow,

I have only to subscribe myself.

Friends* Boarding Honse, Affectionately thine,

Liverpool Sfcwet, London. JOHN BURTT.

BEHOIT TEE BLACK.

Benoit the Black, of Palermo, also named Benoit of St.
Philadelphia, or of Santo Fratello, and sometimes Benoit the
Moor, was a Negro, the son of a Negress Slave. Roccho
Pirro, author of the Sicilia Sacra, characterizes him by
these words : — '' Nigro quidem corpore sed candore animi
prsBclarisimus quem et miraculis Deus contestatum esse
voluit." " His body was black, but it pleased God to tes-
tifiy by miracles the whiteness of his soul.*'

Historians praise in Benoit that assemblage of eminent
virtues, which, content to have God only as a witness,
conceal themselves from the sight of man ; for real virtues
are mostly silent. Sometimes, however, the modest veil
which conceals merit is removed, and it is owing to this
that Benoit has escaped oblivion. He died at Palermo, in
1589, where his tomb and memory are generally revered.
Roccho Pirro, Father Arthur, Gravima, and many other
writers, are full of eulogy concerning this venerable
Negro.

BEHJAXIH COCKBAHE.

" I had a visit very lately," says Dr. Madden, " from
three Mandingo Negroes, natives of Africa. They could

6<t '

(tyi-

^ €n\aAt fsst tju jUjgrn*

all read and write Arabic ; and one of them showed me a
Koran written from memory by himself. One of them^
Benjamin Cockrane^ a free Negro who practised with no
little success as a doctor in Kingston, was in the habit of
coming to me on Sundays, to give me information about
the medical plants and popular medicine of the country ;
and a more intelligent and respectable person, in every
sense of the word, I do not know. As an Arabic scholar,
his attainments are very trifling, but his skill as a Negro
doctor, one of the English physicians of Kingston assured
me was considerable. He had lately known him called to
a young lady, where, with his herbs and simples he had
effected a successful cure of a serious malady. When he
comes to me, he drives in his own gig, attended by his ser-
vant. His history is like that of hundreds of others in
Jamaica, * except these bonds,* which he, by extraordinary
industry and good conduct, has managed to shuffle off. I
took down the heads of his story pretty much in his own
words, as he related it to me in the presence of the attorney-
general, to whdm I made him known, likewise to Dr. Cham-
berlain ; and I believe both these gentlemen will vouch for
the fact that there is at least one Negro in the world who
is an intelligent, well-conducted, right-thinking man, and
not so very nearly connected with the class of brutes, as
the reverend author of * Annals of Jamaica' would lead us
to infer.

''I received a letter, about a month before I left Jamaica,
from my friend Cockrane. He wished to become a mem-
ber of the College of Physicians here, and, knowing no
reason why a Negro should not be admitted, if duly quali-
fied, I undertook to speak to one of the officers, and as-
certain if there would be any opposition to his presentation
as a candidate for examination on the score of complexion, ^^
provided he was duly qualified. Had I remained, it was
my intention to assist him to carry his purpose into
effect."

-T-

C5>H)

% Crilnife firr tin lltgrn^

B08ETTA; THE HEGBO GIBL.

The following narrative evinces that the Negro character
is not devoid of either humanity or magnanimity, when
fairly tested ; and also, that the female of that unjustly de-
graded race, is as competent to sustain the several charac-
ters of wife, mother, and friend, in all their endearing
socialities, as those who assume a much higher standing in
the great human family. John Minns was bom about the
year 1770, and received a good, plain, and religious educa-
tion at " The Friends' School and Workhouse," Clerken-
well — ^an establishment belonging to the Society, carried
on in a large old-fashioned mansion, said to have been the
residence of Oliver Cromwell, or some of his court From
this establishment, he was placed out as an apprentice to a
baker, a Friend, of Reading* Having acquired a compe-
tent knowledge of his business, he absconded from his
place, for some unknown cause, being then about eighteen
years of age.

After considerable search and inquiries instituted by his
friends, he was given up as lost ; but, to their surprise and
joy, after sixteen years' hopeless suspense, he was heard
of, and as carrying on a prosperous business as a baker, in
one of the Bahama islands. It appears that after so long
a life of secrecy in exile, his heart began to feel for his aged
father and the rest of the family, and a strong desire to
know, should they be still in the land of the living, how
they fared* Accordingly, he made a confidant of one of
his friends, who was about to embark for England, and en-
trusted him with the secret of his history, charging him to
search out his father, and make known to him that his son
John was still alive, and give him an outline of his remark-
able history. From this time a warm and affectionate cor-
respondence took place between John Minns and his father
and sister, which was continued during their lives.

John Minns, after absconding from his apprenticeship,
engaged himself in some subordinate situation in a ship

au^.

31 (Erilrate fiir tjjj 3?egrn.

about to sail for the West Indies. This was at a period
when the Slave-trade and Slavery were in the zenith of
their dark domain, and ruled and reigned over the hearts
and consciences of every class of men. Being of sober and
frugal habits, after a few years he acquired a little pro-
perty, and commenced trading in various articles of mer-
chandize amongst the islands.

On one of these expeditions he took his passage on board
a vessel which foundered off New Providence, one of the
Bahama islands. On board the same ship there was a
Slave dealer vnth several Negroes, whom he had to dispose
of when he should fall in vnth a market suited to his pur-
pose. Having been some time at sea, the ship sprang a
dangerous leak, and at length was deserted by the captain
and crew when about two miles from shore. The Slave
dealer found it impossible to save the lives of the Negroes
by means of the ship's boat, which, indeed, was scarcely
equal to carry the captain and crew, besides some other
passengers then on board. As a forlorn hope, therefore,
he took off the manacles from his Slaves, and gave them
the chance of saving their lives by swimming. By some
circumstance, whether by accident or design does not ap-
pear, the boat put off with all the crew and passengers ex-
cept John Minns, who was left on board the sinking ship.
Not being able to swim, his distress of mind, on reflecting
on his hopeless situation, may be more easily conceived
than described. With the prospect of immediate death
before him, he endeavoured to resign himself to the will
of God, and put up a prayer for mercy to his soul.

It pleased Providence, however, to move the heart of
one of the female Slaves on board (named Rosetta) to his i
situation, and to devise means for his preservation. She '
procured a feather-bed from one of the berths, and having r^vi
securely lashed it to his back, she requested him to lower -^
himself down the ship's side into the sea, when she would
assist him to gain the shore. This expedient appeared to

% €nMt ftr % jl^p.

401

John Minns but a forlorn hope, yet^ as no other means
were at hand| and time was wearing fast away, he submitted
himself to the generous proposal* His sable benefactress,
being herself an able and expert swimmer, was soon in the
sea to assist the poor, helpless, White man, down the ship's
side. She then laid him gently on the bosom of the un-
stable element, with the bed attached to his back, and
haying secured one comer of it between her teeth, she pro-
ceeded on her perilous voyage, towing her singular cargo
towards the shore ; and in this way they both reached the
land in safety.

After John Minns had devoutly acknowledged the inter-
position of a kind Providence in his preservation, he en-
deavoured to devise a suitable retribution to her who had
been the means of his remarkable escape from impending
death. He concluded it was his duty, by every means in
his power, to endeavour to obtain Rosetta's freedom from
Slavery. Most of the other Slaves had, by great exertion,
reached the shore ; and, as they were soon in a condition
to be offered for sale, their owner gave pubUc notice of it
in the island. John Minns now entered into a negotiation
for the purchase of Rosetta ; but her cruel owner, instead
of sympathizing with his feelings, took the advantage of
asking such an exorbitant price for her as was quite beyond
his means ; and for some time it was doubtful whether the
desired change of masters for the meritorious girl could be
accomplished* Rosetta was aware of these impediments,
and extremely anxious that they should be surmounted,
fondly hoping that he whom she had been the means of de-
livering from a watery grave, would, from motives of gra-
titude and compassion, be the means of restoring her to
freedom, and, perhaps, to her endeared connexions in
Afirica, from whose embraces she had been cruelly torn
away.

This was indeed a time of anxious suspense to poor Ro-
setta ; but at length, to her great joy, the bargain was

a €xMt fer tjie j0egrn.

concluded ; she found herself in the hands of a kind and
humane master, and now she neither feared the lash of the
taskmaster, nor the abuse of the manager. John Minns
soon afterwards commenced business as a baker at Nassau,
in the island of New Providence ; and as his trade in-
creased, he found Rosetta of great advantage to him, not
only in his business, but in his domestic arrangements.
Besides a high character for fidelity to her employer, and
a capacity for domestic duties, she possessed the form and
figure of an African beauty — ^was young, strong, and active.

All these circumstances tended to create an attachment
in his mind towards his faithful servant, and he not only de-
termined to free her by law from bondage, but also to make
her his wife. Their marriage, brought about by events of
so extraordinary a character, was productive of a large
share of happiness to both parties. They had a family of
children, and lived for several years in great harmony, until
Rosetta died in giving birth to an infant. On her death-
bed she conversed with great composure on her approaching
end. She spoke very affectionately to her sorrowful hus-
band, and addressed each of her children separately ; but
it was supposed she had forgotten the infant, when, after a
considerable pause, she said, *' And God will be a father to
the motherless child,** and almost immediately she breathed
her last. Her loss, as described by her husband, was
lamented in the neighbourhood where she resided, and her
funeral was attended by a large concourse of the inhabi-
tants, rich and poor, black and white, bond and free. Her
husband always spoke of her with the greatest affection,
affirming, that during the years she had been his wife, she
never gave him a moment's pain, nor did he ever receive an
unkind word from her lips.

Rosetta Minns used to describe herself as the daughter
of an African prince ; and it is supposed she was taken
captive in one of those cruel wars which are fomented be-
tween the chiefs by European intrigue, for the sake of

(L^l

X'.

a €xMt fhr t|if ^tgrn.

sharing in the spoil — the prisoners on either side being
sold into Slavery. She appeared to have, at first, but very
indistinct views of Christianity, but said that missionaries
had been amongst her people. On further intercourse with
Christian society, her mind became expanded and capable
of receiving the truths of the Gospel in its purity and sim-
plicity. One of her greatest enjoyments was that of lis-
tening to the reading of the Bible, and she was accustomed
to speak in terms of great admiration of the efforts of the
Bible Society to spread the Scriptures throughout the
world ; frequently expressing her anxious wish that her
beloved relatives in her native land might become ac-
quainted with the contents of that blessed book.

A trivial circumstance may be noticed here, as charac-
teristic of the abject feeUng of caste which pervades the
Negro mind, in regard to the well-known prejudice against
colour in the Whites. John Minns was once reading to
his wife a letter which he had received from his sister in
England, in which the following passage occurred : — " Give
my love to poor sister." On hearing this, poor Rosetta
was overcome with gratitude and astonishment, to find that
a female of another complexion than her own could not
only love her, but was willing to acknowledge her as a sis-
ter — at hearing which she broke out into tears.

John Minns was employed by the Government as baker
to the King's troops, and was much respected in the island.
The authorities there had regard to those religious scru-
ples which he was known to entertain, as respects fighting
and swearing. He was never required to take an oath, or
to do military duty, although the law then required every
man to bear arms, and to be prepared to be called out on
military service. Free persons of Colour were subjected
to many privations and indignities, and liable, without clear
proof of title to freedom, to be reduced to Slavery. It
was a practice with John Minns, in order to make their
title to freedom beyond dispute or cavil, to buy a piece of

% €n\asit fiit tjit Jlegro.

freehold for each of his children, soon after they were bom,
taking care to have it legally registered in the name of the
child. Two of his sons (Men of Colour) were educated in
England, and were persons of considerable talent ; they em-
ployed their pen in remonstrating against the unjust restric-
tions to which the free people of Colour were then subject.
They were not only debarred the franchise, but their oath^
when opposed to the word of a White man, was not re-
garded in any of the courts of justice, which exposed them
to much vexation and pecuniary loss from unprincipled and
litigious persons. Such has been the reformation of late
years in the jurisprudence of these islands, that Free Per-
sons of Colour are admitted to all the rights of citizenship.
It is understood that these two individuals are now in office
under the Government, and one of them in the commission
of the peace.

DI8IVTEBE8TED TB8TIX0VT TO VEGBO ABILITY

AVD FAITHFULBE88.

Robert Jowitt, of Leeds, states that he was much pleased
with an intelligent American gentleman from Virginia, who
visited England some years ago. In conversing with him
on the subject of Slavery, he acknowledged it to be a very
great evil, and that the wretched condition of the State in
which he resided afforded strong evidence of it ; but he
considered it a necessary evil, so interwoven with their
various institutions that it could not by any means be
abolished.

We need not be surprised at this gentleman's viewing
Slavery in this Ught, as he was himself interested in the
system ; yet on this very ground, his evidence respecting
the capabilities of the Negro is the more valuable. He
asserted that he had not the slightest doubt of the equality ^Hn^
of the Black and White races ; and moreover, that the in- | \jj^
tegrity and faithfulness of some of the Blacks was remark-
able. As a proof of this, he instanced a Slave he had in

1 ^riltsh &r tjit jUtgnu

his own employment at home, who was a most valuable
assistant to him, and in whom his confidence was unbounded.

ALSXAVBBS PSTIOV.

Alexandre Petion, already alluded to in our ** Glance
at the History of St. Domingo," was one of the first Presi-
dents of the republic of Hayti. He was a Mulatto, but
of a very dark complexion, and received his education in
the militaiy school of Paris. Being a man of cultivated
understanding, and attractive manners, and moreover, well
instructed in the art of war, he served in the French, and
afterwards in the Haytian armies, with success and reputa-
tion. He was in high esteem as a skilful engineer, in
which capacity he rendered the most essential service to
Toussaint and Desalines.

Petion was a man of fine talents, acute feelings, and
honourable intentions, but not fully adapted for the station
he was called upon to fill. The Haytians, just liberated
from absolute Slavery, without education, habits of thought,
moral energy, and perfect rectitude of character, so neces-
sary in a government perfectly republican, stood in need of
a ruler less kind, gentle, and humane, than Petion. In con-
sequence of this, his people relaxed in their attention to
agriculture, his finances became disorganized, and lus coun-
try impoverished. The unfortunate Petion, disheartened at
a state of things which he saw no means of remedying,
sunk into a state of despondency, which ended, it is said,
in volimtary death.

Petion was perhaps less beloved in his life^time, than his
memory has been venerated since his death. High mass is
said every year for his departed soul, with great pomp and
circumstance, according to the rites of the Romish church ;
and the people appear to look back upon him with more
than a common feeling of kindness and regard, as the father
and friend of his country. His body, encased in a cofiin.

% €iMt far tju jl^grn.

lies in an open cenotaph fronting the government house,
and by the side of it, that of his only daughter: both
coffins are occasionally decorated with simple native
offerings.

" There is no doubt," says Candler, *' that Petion was a
patriot, and that he sincerely desired the welfare of Hayti :
he was greatly averse to the shedding of blood, and had
often to check the impetuosity and vengeance of the gene-
rals who commanded under him ; some accounts represent
him to have starved himself to death through vexation at
the slow progress of his people towards civih'zation ; this
may have been the case, as he was of a sanguine tempera-
ment, and was exceedingly thwarted in some of his plans
for the public good ; but a physician of Port-au-Prince
assured me that such was not really the fact, and that he
died of inanition from natural causes.'*

An interesting and pleasing trait in the character of Pe-
tion is exhibited in an anecdote related by the author above
quoted, with which I shall conclude this brief sketch. *^ In
1815, a visit of a religious character was paid to some parts
of Hayti by Stephen Grellet, a native of France, and a min-
ister of the Society of Friends. Petion, who was at that
time President of the Island, received him ynth great cor-
diality, and permitted him to preach to his soldiers from
the steps of the palace ; himself and his staff attending as
auditors."

JAXEB W. C. PEKVIHOTOV.

The minister of the first Coloured Presbyterian church
in New York, a man truly exemplary, and of high moral
and religious standing, is a fugitive from Slavery. His
parents and grand-parents were stolen from Africa and died
in Slavery. He was therefore bom a Slave, and remained
one a considerable portion of his life. Such, in all proba-
bility, he would have continued to remain, had he not

I ,

flXJ)

« '.-.

ia €nhit fat tin jl^grn*

effected his escape from the oppressor ; — ^have worn out his
life in perpetual bondage, and ended his days, like most of
his race, under the galling yoke of fetters and chains, or
the smart inflicted by the whip of the unrelenting driver.
This estimable man, who, in Slavery was degraded to
nearly a level with the brute, is still liable to be re-enslaved
according to the laws of the United States. In him we
have a specimen of what the Slave population consists, and
a living proof as to how far they are capable of being ele-
vated, in a moral, intellectual, and religious point of view.

James W. C. Pennington was bom in Mar)dand,in 1809.
His grandfather was a Chief of the Mandingoes, and both
his parents and grand-parents being Negroes, he is of pure
African blood and descent. He was a Slave until twenty
years of age, at which period he effected his escape.

The fugitive first found a shelter at the house of a Friend
in Pennsylvania, with whom he remained six months. " It
was while Kving with this Friend," he observes, « and by
his kind attention in teaching me, that I acquired my first
knowledge of writing, arithmetic, and geography.'* In these
he made rapid progress during the six months, at the ex-
piration of which, it became necessary for his safety to
remove further north, to be more out of the reach of men-
stealers. He therefore removed to Long Island. Here,
he soon felt the loss of his kind Friend and tutor, but he
was successful in obtaining employment, and remained in
the service of one gentleman for three years, during the
whole of which period his scanty leisure was closely occu-
pied in study.

Pennington had so far improved himself at the expiration
of five years from the time of his escape from Slavery, that
an application was made to him, to teach a small school of
Coloured children, at New Town, near Flushing, on Long
Island. Being previously examined by a committee, his
services were accepted, and he taught the school success-
fully for two years.

a ^rilrate &r tin Jligra.

Having experienced, about three years prior to this
period, a saving change of mind, and feeling a strong desire
to become more useful, Pennington removed to New Haven
in Connecticut, where he obtained a larger school, and also
entered a Theological Seminary to prepare himself for the
ministry. Here, he taught and studied history, astronomy,
algebra, philosophy, logic, rhetoric, and systematic theo-
logy. At the expiration of three years he returned to
New Town, renewed his former services there, and being
also ordained as a minister of the Gospel, he soon gathered
a flourishing congregation. After labouring here two years he
was removed to Hartford in Connecticut, where he preached
eight years, and part of the time also taught a school.

Pennington has been five times appointed to a seat in
the General Conventions for the improvement of the Free
Coloured people. In 1843, he was elected by Connecticut
State, to attend the World's Anti-Slavery Convention;
also by the American Peace Society to represent them in
the World's Peace Convention, both these meetings being
held the same year in London. On this occasion, he ad-
dressed the Anti-Slavery Convention at considerable length,
his speech occupying several closely printed octavo pages
in the report of the proceedings of that interesting and im-
portant assembly. It is well expressed, and contains much
valuable statistical information. Our limits preclude any
extracts being given*

During his visit in England, Pennington preached in
many of the principal chapels of the Independents and other
Dissenters. He moved on a footing of social and intellec-
tual equality with the ministers and people of his own
persuasion; he was, in fact, owing to his abilities as a
preacher, sought out to supply the pulpits of some of the
most popular ministers of the day.

On Pennington's return to America, he was received
with much favour, and has subsequently exchanged pulpits
with eight or ten of the leading ministers in Connecticut.

1 1
I I

me^

■C^^// Ji^ >■/ r^/Kf-^^ .

'-£^/^ J£^//<^.

a ^rilrati for tjit j&Egrn.

He is a member of the Hartford Central Association of
Congregational Ministers, which consists of about twenty
of the leading ministers of that denomination in the State.
He has been twice elected President of this Association^ in
which capacity he presided over assemblies composed en-
tirely of Whites. At a recent meeting at which he was
chosen President, two young men presented themselves for
licenses to preach. The rules require the President to
examine the candidates on experimental religion, Church
history, and various parts of theology. This he did ac-
ceptably ; the White candidates were both licensed, and
their certificates were signed by the Black President. One
of the young men was a native of Kentucky, a Slave State,
though not himself a Slave-holder. At the same meeting,
Pennington was appointed a deputation to the General
Conference of Congregational ministers of the State of
Maine. A short time ago, a friend, without his knowledge,
constituted him a member for life of the American Tract
Society, by paying the necessary amount of money.

James W. C. Pennington is now the settled minister of
the first Coloured Presbyterian church of New York, and
is a member of the Presbytery. In 1841 he published a
volume of about 100 pages, 12mo., entitled " A Text Book
of the Origin and History of the Coloured People." He
has also published an " Address on West India Emancipa-
tion," some sermons, &c. When the question of granting
the privilege of citizens to the Coloured population was
brought before the people of Connecticut, one of the pub-
lic papers objected to the measure on the ground that the
Blacks are inferior to the Whites. Pennington invited a
public meeting, and refuted the calumny before a very large
audience of Whites.

The portrait of this worthy man is engraved from a
photograph, taken at the gallery of Samuel Topham, of
Leeds, who kindly allowed the author the use of a duplicate
he had preserved for himself.

% UnhrAt for tjiJ 3&Bgrn.

leHATIVB 8AVCH0.

The parents of this interesting Negro were brought from
Guinea, in a Slave-ship, and he was bom on its passage to
the Spanish West Indies in 1729. When they arrived at
Carthagena, he was baptized by the Bishop, who named
him Ignatius. The change of climate, and other sufferings,
soon brought his mother to the grave ; and his father being
doomed to the horrors of Slavery, in a moment of despair,
put an end to his existence with his own hands.

The little Slave was not two years old when he was taken
to England, and presented to three young maiden ladies,
sisters, who resided at Greenwich. Their prejudices
against the African had taught them that ignorance was
the only security for his obedience, and that to enlarge the
mind of their Slave would only assist in emancipating his
person. They sumamed him Sancho, from his droll and
humorous nature, and a fancied resemblance to the Squire
of Don Quixote, and ever afterwards he called himself
Ignatius Sancho.

The Duke of Montague, who was a frequent visitor at
the house of Sancho's mistresses, admired in the Negro
boy a native frankness of manner, which, though unrefined
by education, was yet unbroken by servitude. The Duke
took an interest in him, and frequently brought him home
to the Duchess, encouraged his turn for reading with pre-
sents of books, and urged on his mistresses the duty of cul-
tivating by education a genius of such apparent fertility.
But his advice was unheeded by the unfeeling ladies, who
were inflexible, and even sometimes threatened to return
the Negro into Slavery.

At length, on the death of his mistresses, his kind friend
and patron the Duke of Montague being also deceased,
the Duchess, who secretly admired his character, admitted
him into her household, where he remained till she died,
wlien, through economy and a legacy she left bim, be was
possessed of £70., and an annuity of £30. This might have

. r

(SKiJi

a ^^ribttb &i tijt jStgrn.

enabled him to establish himself respectably in life, but
being subject to like passions as other men, he fell into
bad company, and was reduced to suffering. He was re-
tained a few months at Montague House. That roof had
been ever auspicious to him ; and the then Duke soon
placed him about his person, where he became habituated
to regularity of life.

In 1773, repeated attacks of gout and constitutional dis-
ease rendered him incapable of further attendance in the
family. Having married an interesting and very deserving
young woman of West Indian origin, his annuity, with the
assistance of that munificence which had protected him
through various vicissitudes, enabled him to commence the
business of a grocer, by which, and his wife's industry, he
reared a numerous &mily in a life of domestic virtue, which
gained the public esteem.

Ignatius Sancho devoted himself earnestly to the cause
of Negro freedom, and amid the trivial interruptions of a
shop he also applied himself to study. The muses and the
poets he imitated with some success ; he constructed two
pieces for the stage ; the theory of music he discussed,
published, and dedicated to the Princess Royal ; and paint-
ing was so much within the circle of his judgment and
criticism, that Mortimer came to consult him. His repu-
tation as a wit and humourist were considerable ; and his
acquaintances of no mean sort; he corresponded with
Sterne, and it is said that Garrick was very fond of him.

Two volumes of Sancho's letters were published, with a
fine portrait of the writer. I cannot with justice omit the
insertion of a few extracts from them, exhibiting, as they
do, considerable epistolary talent, rapid and just conception,
as well as universal philanthropy — demonstrating that a n
untutored African may possess abilities of no mean order.
The reader must remember they were not written for pub-
lication, no such idea being ever entertained by the writer.
None of them were printed from duplicates preserved by

% €xMt ht tlu Mt%m.

himself, but were collected from the various friends to
whom they were addressed.

" July 23, 1777.

"Poor Lady S still lingers this side the world.

Alas ! when will the happy period arrive that the sons of
mortality may greet each other with the joyful news, that
sin, pain, sorrow, and death, are no more ; skies without
clouds, earth without crimes, life without death, world
without end ! — ^peace, bliss, and harmony, where the Iiord
God, all in all, King of kings. Lord of lords, reigneth

omnipotent — ^for ever ! May you, dear M , and all I

love, yea the whole race of Adam, join with my unworthy
self, in the stupendous, astonishing, soul-cheering hallelu-
jahs ! where charity may be swallowed up in love, hope in
bliss, and faith in glorious certainty.'

•»

" Mr. W has paid the debt to nature : — ^last Sunday

heaven gained a worthy soul, and the world lost an honest
man ! a Christian ! a friend to merit ; a father to the poor
and society ; a man, whose least praise was his wit, and his
meanest virtue, good humour ; may you, and all I love and
honour, in God*s good time, join him ! "

The following is from a letter written to a young man
who had gone to reside abroad : —

" Read your Bible ; as day follows night, God's blessing
follows virtue ; honour and riches bring up the rear, and
the end is peace.

" Youth is naturally prone to vanity ; such is the weak-
ness of human nature, that pride has a fortress in the best
of hearts. I know no person that possesses a better than
yourself, but although jflattery is poison to youth, yet truth
obliges me to confess that your correspondence betrays no
symptom of vanity, but teems with truths of an honest
affection, which merits praise, and commands esteem.

-i"/^

arv^

©siU)

a ^rihtttt for % JiBgrn.

413

" In one of your letters, you speak (with honest indig-
nation) of the treachery and chicanery of the Natives.*
My good friend, you should remember from whom they
learnt those vices. The first Christian visitors found them
a simple, harmless people; but the cursed avidity for
wealth, urged them and all succeeding travellers to such
acts of deception, and even wanton cruelty, that the poor
ignorant Natives soon learnt the knavish and diabolical arts
which they imbibed from their teachers*

" I am sorry to observe that the practice of your coun-
try, (which as a resident I love, and for the freedom and
many blessings I enjoy in it, shall ever have my warmest
wishes, prayers, and blessings) ; I say, it is with reluctance
that I must observe, your coimtry's conduct has been uni-
formly wicked in the East and West Indies, and on the
coast of Guinea. Commerce was meant by the goodness
of the Deity to diffiise the various productions of the earth
into every part, to unite mankind in brotherly love and
mutual dependence. The enlightened Christian should
diffuse the riches of the Gospel of Peace, with the com-
modities of his respective land. Conunerce attended with
strict honesty, and with religion for its companion, would
be a blessing to every shore it touched at. In Africa,
the poor wretched natives, blessedjwith the most fertile
and luxuriant soil, are rendered so much the more miser-
able for what Providence meant as a blessing — the Chris-
tian's abominable traffic in Slaves, and the horrid cruelty
and treachery of the petty kings, encouraged by their
•Christian customers, who carry them strong liquors, to in-
flame their national madness, and powder and fire arms, to
furnish them with the means of killing and kidnapping —
but enough ; — ^it is a subject that sours my blood, and I
am sure will not please the friendly bent of your social

* Allusion is here made to the remarks in a letter describing the Blacks
as a set of canting, deceitful people, who have not such a word as gratitude
in their language, &c., and will explain the succeeding obserrations.

a €rilnib fet % JlBgni.

affections. I mention these only to guard my friend against
being too hasty in condemning the knavery of a people,
whoy bad as they may be, possibly were made worse by their
Christian visitors.

<< Make human nature thy study wherever thouresidest ;
whatever the religion, or the complexion, study their
hearts. Simplicity, kindness, and charity be thy guide ;
with these even savages will respect you, and God will
bless you !

^* It is with sincere pleasure I hear you have a lucrative
establishment. Your good sense will lead you to proper
economy, as distant from frigid parsimony, as from a heed-
less extravagancy ; but ai you may possibly have dome time
to spare for necessary recreation, give me leave to obtrude
my poor advice. I have heard it more than once observed
of fortunate adventurers, that they have come home en-
riched in purse, but wretchedly barren in intellect. The
mind wants food as well as the stomach ; should not we
wish then to increase in knowledge as well aa in money t
Young says, ^* Books are fair virtue's advocates and friends."
Now my advice is, to preserve about £S0 a year for two
or three seasons, by which means you may gradually form
a useful, elegant little library. Suppose now the first year
you send the order, and the money, to your father, for the
following books, which I reconnnend from my own super-
ficial knowledge as useful. A man should know something
of geography and history ; nothing more useful or pleasant
** Robertson's Charles V.," "Goldsmith's History of
Grreece," "of Rome," "of England." Two small volumes
of " Sermons," usefril, and very sensible, by Mr. Williams,
which are as good as fifty, for I love not a multiplicity of
doctrines ; a few plain tenets, easy, simple, and directed to
the heart, are better than volumes of controversy. " Spec-
tators," " Guardians," and " Tattlers," you have of course.
" Young's Night Thoughts," " Milton," and " Thomson's
Seasons," were my summer companions for nearly twenty

% €rihiib for tijt Sign.

years ; they mended my heart, improved my veneration to
the Deity, and increased my love to my neighbours.

'^ You have to thank God for strong natural parts, a
feeling, humane heart : you write with sense and judicious
discernment ; — ^improve yourself, my dear young friend, that
if it should please God to return you to your friends with
the fortune of a man in upper rank, the embellislmients
of your mind may be ever considered as greatly superior to
your riches, and only inferior to the goodness of your heart.

" I give you the above as a sketch ; your father and
others of your friends will improve upon it in the course
of time ; the above is enough at first, in conformity with
the old adage, — " A few books, and a few friends, and
those well chosen." Your father, who sees every improve-
ment with delight, observes that your handwriting is much
better. If my long epistles do not frighten you, and I live
till the return of next spring, perhaps I shall be enabled
to judge how much you are improved since your last fa-
your. Write me a deal about the natives, the soil, the
produce, the manners of the people, customs, prejudices,
fashions, and follies. Alas ! we have plenty of the two
last here, and what is worse, we have a detestable brother's
war, where the right hand is hacking and hewing the left,
whilst angels weep at our madness, and devils rejoice at
the ruinous prospect.

^^ Mrs. Sancho joins me in good wishes ; I join her in
the same, in which double sense believe me,

" Yours, &c., &c.,

"IGNATIUS SANCHO."

The following was addressed to the same.

" My worthy and much respected friend,
" Pope observes, —

' Men chaDge with fortune, manners change with climes ;
Tenets with books, and principles with times !'

Your friendly letter convinced me that you are still

->o

JL'I

% (Krihnfe for % 35fgni.

the same, and gave, in that conviction, a tenfold pleasure.
You carried out from England, (through God's grace) an
honest friendly heart, a clear discerning head, and a soul
impressed with every humane feeling. That you are still
the same, gives me more joy than the certainty would of
yoiur being worth ten Jaghires. The truest worth is that
of the mind ; the blessed rectitude of the heart ; the con-
science unsullied with guilt ; the undaunted, noble eye,
enriched with innocence, and shining with social glee;
peace dancing in the heart, and health smiling in the face.
May these be ever your companions ! as for riches, you
will ever be more than rich while you thankfully enjoy, and
gratefully assist the wants, as far as you are able, of your
fellow creatures.

" But I think, and so will you, that I am preaching. I
only meant to thank you, which I most sincerely do, for
your kind letter. Believe me, it gratifies a better principle
than vanity, to know that you remember your dark-faced
friend at such a distance ; but what would have been your
feelings, could you have beheld your worthy, thrice worthy
father, joy sitting triumphant in his honest face, speeding
from house to house amongst his numerous friends, with
the pleasing testimonials of his son's love and duty in his
hands, every one congratulating him and joining in good
wishes, while the starting tear plainly proved that over-joy
and grief give the same livery ?

" You met with an old acquaintance of mine, Mr. G — .
I am glad to hear he is well ; I hope he will take example
by what he sees in you ; and you, young man, remember,
if ever you should unhappily fall into bad company, that
example is only the fool's plea, and the rogue's excuse, for
doing wrong things. You have a turn for reflection, and
a steadiness, which, aided by the best social disposition, (p\^
must make your company much coveted, and your person
loved. Forgive me for presuming to dictate, when I well
know you have many friends much more able from

5^^6

a '^rihitb fax % Mt^n.

knowledge and better sense, though I deny a better
will.

" You will, of course, make men and things your study ;
their different geniuses, aims, and passions : you will also
note climes, buildings, soils, and products, which will be
neither tedious nor unpleasant. If you adopt the rule of
writing every evening your remarks on the past day, it will
be a kind of friendly tSte-a-tete between you and yourself,
wherein you may sometimes happily become your own
monitor ; and hereafter, those little notes will afford you a
rich fund, whenever you shall be inclined to retrace past
times and places. I say nothing upon the score of reli-
gion ; for, I am clear, every good affection, every sweet
sensibility^ every heartfelt joy, humanity, politeness, cha-
rity, — all, all, are streams from that sacred spring; so
that to say you are good tempered, honest, social, &c., &c.,
is only in fact saying you live according to your Divine
Master's rules.

" Continue in right thinking, and you will act well ; by
which you will insure the favour of God, and the love of
your friends, amongst whom pray reckon,

" Yours faithfully,

"IGNATIUS SANCHO."

" To Edward Young, Esq., on the death of Lord .

" Richmond, April 21, 1770.
" Honoured Sir,

" I bless God, their Graces* continue in good health,
though as yet they have not seen anybody. I have duly
acquainted his Grace with the anxious and kind enquiries
of yourself and others of his noble friends : time will, I
hope, bring them comforts. Their loss is great indeed ; and
not to them only. The public have a loss ; — goodness, wis-
dom, knowledge, and greatness were united in him. Heaven
has gained an angel ; but earth has lost a treasure.

* Probably the Duke and Duohess of Montague.

418

Si (Krilratf for tjn JSfgra,

^f^,-

*' ' He, who cannot stem his snger*B tide,
Doth a wild hone without a bridle zide/

It is, my dear M — , the same with the rest of our pas-
sions ; we have reason given us for our rudder ; religion is
our sheet anchor ; our fixed star, hope ; conscience our
faithful monitor ; and happiness the grand reward. We
all in this manner can preach up trite maxims, hut mark
how we act. It is much easier to speak than to act ; but
we know good from evil ; and we have powers sufficient to
withstand vice, if we choose to exert ourselves. In the
field, if we know the strength and situation of the enemy,
we place outposts and sentinels, and take every prudent
method to avoid surprise. In common life we must do the
same ; and trust me, my honest friend, a victory gained
over passion, immorality, and pride, deserves Te Deums,
better than those gained in the fields of ambition and
carnage.

^^ It is the most puzzling afiair in nature, to a mind that
labours under obligations, to know how to express its feel-
ings. Your former tender solicitude for my well-being,
and your present generous remembrance, appear friendly
beyond the common actions of those we in general style
good sort of people ; but I will not teaze you with thanks,
for I believe such kind of hearts as you are blessed with,
have sufficient reward in the consciousness of acting hu-
manely. It is the hope and wish of my heart, that your
comforts in all things may multiply with your years ; that
in the certain great end, you may immerge without pain,
full of hope, from corruptible pleasure, to immortal and in-
corruptible life, happiness without end, and past all human
comprehension ; — there may you and I, and all we love,

:<^.

" Hoping you are as well as you wish your friends, I am, *p
honoured Sir, &c.

"IGNATIUS SANCHO/'

" To M.

V^\

'C-^^

a €n\ivit hx t|i Mt^n.

meet ; — the follies, the parties, distinctions, feuds of am-
bition, enthusiasm, lust, and anger of this miserable, motley
world, all totally forgot, every idea lost, and absorbed in
the blissful mansions of redeeming love.

»»

" Aug. 8, 1777.

" To J. M.

' Know thy own self, presume not God to scan ;
The proper study of mankind is man.'

'^ There is something so amazingly grand, so stupen-
dously affecting, in contemplating the works of the Divine
architect, either in the moral or the intellectual world,
that I think one may rightly call it the cordial of the soul ;
it is the medicine of the mind, and the best antidote against
pride, and the supercilious murmurings of discontent*
Smoking my morning pipe, the friendly warmth of that
glorious planet the sun, the leniency of the air, the cheer-
ful glow of the atmosphere, made me involuntarily cry,
' Lord, what is man, that thou in thy mercy art so mindful
of him ! or what the son of man, that thou so parentally
carest for him ! ' David, whose heart and affections were
naturally of the first kind, and who had indeed experienced
blessings without number, pours forth the grateful senti-
ments of his enraptured soul in the sweetest modulations
of pathetic oratory. The tender mercies of the Almighty
are not less to many of his creatures ; but their hearts, un-
like the royal disposition of the shepherd king, are cold,
and untouched with the sweet ray of gratitude. Let us,
without meanly sheltering our infirmities under the exam-
ple of others, perhaps worse taught, or possessed of less
leisure for self-examination, — let us look into ourselves,
and by a critical examination of the past events of our lives,
fairly confess what mercies we have received, what God in
his goodness hath done for us, and how our gratitude and
praise have kept pace, in imitation of the son of Jesse.
Such a research would richly repay us, for the end would

420 a €xMt for tju pj^n.

n>*>

be conviction, so much on the side of miraculous mercy, I: ^
such an unanswerable proof of the superintendency of divine
Providence, as would effectually cure us of rash despon-
dency, and melt our hearts with devotional aspirations^ till
we poured forth the effusions of our souls in praise and
thanksgiving. When I sometimes endeavour to turn my
thoughts inwards, to review the power or properties the
indulgent all-vnse Father has endowed me with> I am struck ; i
with wonder and with awe, — worm, poor insignificant rep-
tile as I am, with regard to superior beings, mortal like my-
self. Amongst, and at the very head of our riches, I reckon * '
the power of reflection. Where ? where, my friend, doth
it lay ? Search every member from the head to the feet,
all, all ready for action, but all dead to thought ; it lies not
in matter : it is a something which we feel and acknow-
ledge to be quite past the power of definition ; it is that
breath of life which the sacred Architect breathed into the
nostrils of the first man, the image of his gracious Maker. I
Let it animate our torpid gratitude as it rolls on, although
diminished by our cruel fall, through the whole race. * We
are fearfully, and wonderfully made,' were the sentiments i
of the royal psalmist upon a self review, but had he been I
blessed with the full blaze of the Christian dispensation,
what would have been his raptures ? the promise of never-
ending existence and felicity, to possess eternity,—* glo-
rious, dreadful thought,** — to behold the wonders of im-
mensity, to pass from good to better, increasing in goodness,
knowledge, love ; to glory in our Redeemer, to joy in our-
selves ; to be acquainted with prophets, sages, heroes, and '
poets of old times, and join in symphony with angels. |

** You, happily disengaged from various cares of life and
family, can review the little world of Man with steadier ^
eye and more composed thought than your friend, declining
fast into the vale of tears, and beset with infirmity and pain.
Write now and then, as thought prompts, and inclination
leads ; refute my en'ors ; where I am just, give me your

i:*^-

il €jMt for tjit Mt^u.

plaudit* Your welfare is truly dear in my sight; and if
any man has a share in my heart, or commands my respect
and esteem, it is J — M — .

Ignatius Sancho was much interested for the unfortunate
Dr. Dodd, and addressed him whilst in prison* He also
wrote the following for the Morning Post : —

'^ I am one of the many who have been often edified by
the graceful eloquence and truly christian doctrine of the
unfortunate Dr. Dodd. As a divine, he had, and stiU has,
my love and reverence ; his faults I regret ; but, alas I I feel
myself too guilty to cast a stone ; justice has her claims ;
but mercy — the anchor of my hope, inclines me to wish he
might meet with royal clemency. His punishments have
already been severe ; the loss of royal favour ; the cowardly
attacks of malicious buffoonery ; and the over-strained zeal
for rigid justice in the prosecution. Oh ! would to God
the bishops and clergy would join in petitioning the throne
for his life ! it would save the holy order from indignity, and
even the land itself from the reproach of making too un-
equal distinctions in punishments. He might, by the rec-
titude of his future life, and due exertion of his matchless
powers, be of infinite service, as chaplain to the poor con-
victs on the river, whidi woidd be a punishment, and, at
the same time, serve for a proof or test of his contrition,
and the sincerity of a zeal he has often manifested in the
pulpit, for the service of true rehgion* He may rise the
higher by his late £Edl, and do more real service to the
thoughdess and abandoned culprits, than a preacher whose
character might be deemed spotless. If this hint should
stimulate a pen, or heart, like the good Bishop of Chester's,
to exert itself in behalf of a man who has formerly been
■-.ynp alive to every act of heaven-bom charity, the writer of this
will have joy, even in his last moments, in the reflection
that he paid a mite of the vast debt he owes to Dr. Dodd
as a preacher."

% ^riiuih for % $t^n.

•»'-'s

Sancho addressed the following letter to Sterne, wishing
to interest him on behalf of his oppressed and suffering
race : —

** It would be an insult on your humanity (or perhaps
look like it) to apologise for the liberty I am taking. I
am one of those people called Negroes. The first part of
my life was rather unlucky^ as I was placed in a family
who judged ignorance the best and only security for obe-
dience. A little reading and writing I got by unwearied
application. The latter part of my life has been, through
God's blessing, truly fortunate, having spent it in the ser-
vice of one of the best and greatest families in the king-
dom : my chief pleasure has been books : philanthropy I
adore. How very much, good sir, am I (amongst millions)
indebted to you for the character of your amiable Uncle
Toby ; I declare I would walk ten miles in the dog-days
to shake hands with the honest corporal. Your sermons
have touched me to the heart, and I hope, have amended it,
which brings me to the point. In yoiur tenth discourse,
page 78, second volume, is this very affecting passage;
^ Consider how great a part of our species in all ages down
to this have been trod under the feet of cruel and capri-
cious tyrants, who woidd neither hear their cries nor pity
their distresses. Consider Slavery, what it is, how bitter a
draught, and how many millions are made to drink of it'
Of all my favourite authors, not one has dravm a tear in
favour of my miserable Black brethren excepting yourself
and the humane author of Sir George Ellison. I think
you ynll forgive me ; I am sure you will applaud me, for
beseeching you to give one half hour's attention to Slavery,
as it is at this day practised in our West Indies. That
subject, handled in your striking manner, would ease the
yoke perhaps of many ; but if only of one — ^gracious God ! fS^.
what a feast to a benevolent heart ! and sure I am you are
an epicurean in acts of charity. You, who are universally
read, and as imiversally admired — you, could not fail.

a ^riintb for tijt Mt^n.

Dear sir, think that in me you behold the uplifted hands
of thousands of my brethren. Grief, you pathetically ob-
serve, is eloquent : figure to yourself their attitudes ; hear
their supplicating addresses! Alas ! — ^you cannot refuse.
Humanity must comply ; in which hope I beg permission
to subscribe myself, &c.,

"IGNATIUS SANCHO."

As Sancho's style of writing is said to resemble Sterne's,
I shall perhaps be excused inserting his reply to the fore-
going.

" Coxwould, July 27, 1767.

" There is a strange coincidence, Sancho, in the little
events (as well as in the great ones) of this world ; for I
had been writing a tender tale of the sorrows of a friendless
poor Negro girl, and my eyes had scarcely done smarting
with it, when your letter of recommendation in behalf of
so many of her brethren and sisters came to me. But why
should it be so with her brethren, or yoiurs, Sancho, any
more than mine ? It is by the finest tints and most insen-
sible gradations that nature descends from the fairest face
about St. James's to the sootiest complexion in Africa.
At which tint of these is it that the ties of blood are to
cease ? and how many shades must we descend lower still
in the scale, ere mercy is to vanish with them ? But 'tis
no uncommon thing, my good Sancho, for one half of the
world to use the other half of it like brutes, and then en-
deavour to make them so. For my own part, I never look
westward (when I am in a pensive mood at least), but I
think of the burthens which our brothers and sisters are
there carrying, and could I ease their shoulders from one
ounce of them, I declare I would set out this hour upon a
pilgrimage to Mecca for their sakes. If I can weave the
tale I have wrote into the work I am about, it is at the ser-
vice of the afflicted, and a much greater matter ; for in
serious truth, it casts a sad shade upon the world, that so
great a part of it are, and have been, so long bound in

a €rMt far tjff 3lfgrn*

chains of darkness and in chains of mifiery ; and I cannot
but both respect and felicitate you^ that by so much laud-
able diligence you have broke the one, i^nd that, by falling
into the hands of so good and merciful a family. Providence
has rescued you from the other.

" And so, good-hearted Sancho, adieu i and believe me
I will not forget your letter.

" Yours, &c.,

"L. STERNE."

I shall conclude this selection of extracts from the two
volumes of Sancho's letters, with a short one written the
year before his death, in reply to one respecting their pub-
lication, a thing which he had evidently himself never con-
templated, though he made no objection to the proposal.

I have just received your favour of the 20th inst. As
to the letters in question, you know, sir, they are not now
mine, but the property of the parties they are addressed
to. If you have had their permission, and think that the
simple effusions of a poor Negro's heart are worth mixing
with better things, you have my free consent to do as you
please with them, though in truth there wants no increase
of books in the epistolary way, nor indeed in any way, ex-
cept we could add to the truly valuable names of Robert-
son, Beattie, and Mickle, new Youngs, Richardsons, and
Stemes.

" Accept my best thanks for the very kind opinion you
are so obliging as to entertain of me, which is too pleasing
(I fear) to add much to the humility of

" I. SANCHO/'

So much for the Negro, Ignatius Sancho, who died in
1780, having deservedly won the public esteem. Such was
the man whom philosophers and anatomists have endea-
voured to degrade as a deterioration of the human species;
such was the being whose identity with the great family of

i/i

(Ps:-

a ^rihitte for tiff M^nL

man has been called in question ; but whom Fuller, with a
benevolence and quaintness of phrase peculiarly his own,
designates ^* God's image cut in ebony/' To the harsh
definition of the naturalist, political and legislative oppres-
sions have been added, aggravated towards them by vulgar
prejudice, and popular insult.

He who surveys the extent of culture to which Ignatius
Sancho had attained by self-education, must be convinced
that the perfection of the reasoning faculties does not alto-
gether depend on a peculiar conformation of the skull, or
the colour of a common integument, in defiance of that
wild opinion, "which," says a learned writer, "restrains
the operations of the mind to particular regions, and sup-
poses that a luckless mortal may be born in a degree of
latitude too high or too low for wisdom or for wit."

EVA BABTEL8.

" Eva Bartels," says Shaw in his Memorials of South
Africa, " is a Mulatto woman, who was living in Cape
Town, when we commenced our school for the heathen.
Two Slave girls first brought her to our religious services*
She was about fifty years old, and was very desirous of
learning to read the Scriptures, which she soon accom-
plished. She not merely learned to read, however, but the
divine spirit so wrought upon her heart, that there was not
a shadow of a doubt of her real conversion to God. She
became humble and lowly, was regular in her attendance
on the means of grace, and her conduct was most circum-
spect. She was an example of piety to all around her, and
was zealous in inviting and bringing others to the means of
grace.

" Going to visit her on one occasion, when in afiiiction,
I found her engaged in prayer. She knew not that I was
present, and prayed thus: — 'Oh! how I have sinned!
Oh ! how I have sinned ! but thou, Lord, hast had mercy.

a €nliate for t^ Jlip,

Thou hast had mercj upon me ; thou hast given me the
joy of salvation. Lord Jesus Christ, thou haat shed ihj
precious blood for me/ When told that I was present, she
said, — ' M}mheer, I was almost in despair for a time, for I
have been a great sinner. I therefore requested that I might
be left alone, in order that I might wrestle with the Liord,
and cry to him for help. I took up the book to see if
there was anything for me, and as I continued in prayer,
those sweet words fell upon my heart, — * Ho, every one
that thirsteth, come ye to the waters.' This invitation
brought me such peace and joy, that all my sorrows de-
parted, and I have now strong consolation. I have been
thinking of the great love of God in giving his Son. We
are debtors, and have nothing wherewith to pay our debt;
but Jesus Christ came and discharged it by the shedding of
his blood. While thus meditating, I shed many tears ; but
they were tears of joy, on account of the great love of God
to sinners.'

'' On another occasion, when several persons were in the
room, who were expecting that the time of her departure
was at hand, she desired them to raise her up on the bed,
and support her with pillows. This being done, she began
to address those around her, exhorting them to come to
the Redeemer. From this sickness she was restored to
health, and became a ^ living epistle' to all who knew her,
continuing to adorn her profession by a holy walk and con-
versation. She has become a mother in our Israel, and
though often afflicted, is like a tree planted by the rivers
of water, bringing forth fruit in old age.'

JOHH X08SLT,

Of Hartford, in Connecticut, an aged Coloured man,
was well known for his industry, prudence, and integrity.
Having no relations, he devoted his property to charitable
objects. By his will, he gave to the Hartford Female

sin

% €riltntt for t||t 3ltgn.

Beneficent Society, 100 dollars ; to the American Colo-
nization Society, 200 dollars ; to the Bible Society, 100
dollars ; to the Education Society, 100 dollars ; and after
other legacies, the residue of his estate to a Missionaiy
Society.

HAHOT PITCH70BD,

A woman of Colour, died at Hartford in 18S4, aged 67.
For the first forty years of her life, she was a Slave. She
sustained an excellent character, was for many years a pro-
fessor of religion, and gave satisfactory evidence of sincere
and lively piety. At the time of her death, she had ac-
quired, by her industry and care, more than 400 dollars,
which, (after paying the expenses of her las£ sickness and
funeral,) she left to charitable purposes.

LOTT CABST.

This self-taught African was bom a Slave, near Rich-
mond, in Virginia. He was the only child of parents,
themselves Slaves, who were of a pious turn of mind ; and
though he had no instruction from books, the admonitions
of his father and mother may have laid the foimdations of
his future usefulness. In 1804, the young Slave was sent
to Biehmond, and hired out as a common labourer, at a
warehouse in the place.

At this time he was excessively profane, and much ad-
dicted to intoxication ; but God was pleased to awaken
him to a sense of his sinfulness. Happening to hear a ser-
mon, he became very desirous of being able to read, chiefly
with a view of becoming acquainted with the nature of
certain transactions recorded in the New Testament.
Having procured a Bible he commenced learning his let-
ters, by trying to read the chapter he had heard illustrated
in the sermon ; and by a little perseverance and assistance,

rf'' -

a €rilittti fiit t^ Jligrn,

he was able to read. This acquisition created in him a
desire to write ; an accomplishment he soon also mastered.

He now became more useful to his employers^ by being*
able to check and superintend the shipping of tobacco ;
and havings in time, saved 850 dollars, (nearly £170 ster*
ling,) he purchased his freedom and that of two of his chil-
dren. ** Of the real value of his services while in his em-
ployment (says an American writer), no one but a dealer in
tobacco can form an idea. Notwithstanding the hundreds
of hogsheads which were committed to his charge, he could
produce any one the moment it was called for ; and the
shipments were made with a promptness and correctness
such as no person. White or Coloured, has equalled in the
same situation. The last year in which he remained in
the warehouse, his salary was 800 dollars, and he might
have received a larger sum, if he would have continued.**

For his ability in his work, besides being highly es-
teemed by his master, he was frequently rewarded by the
merchant with a five-dollar note. He was allowed to sell,
for his own benefit, small parcels of damaged tobacco. It
was by saving the little sums obtained in this way, with
the aid of subscriptions by the merchants, to whose inte-
rests he had been attentive, that he was enabled to pur-
chase the freedom of his family. He also bought a house
and some land, in Richmond, and when the colonists were
fitted out for Africa, he was enabled to bear a considerable
part of his own expenses.

Soon after making a profession of religion, Lott Carey
commenced holding meetings, and exhorting the Coloured
people ; and, though he had little knowledge of books, or
acquaintance with mankind, he frequently exhibited a
boldness of thought, and a strength of native intellect,
which no acquirement could have given him. While em*
ployed at tlie warehouse, he devoted his leisure time to
reading such books as accident threw in his way ; and it is
said that a gentleman, on one occasion taking up a volume

(FX-

31 dfrihttti for tljt jligw;

which he had left for a few moments, found it to be
" Smith's Wealth of Nations."

As early as 1815, Lott Carey began to feel special inte-
rest in the cause of African missions, and contributed, pro-
bably more than any other person, in giving origin and
character to the African Missionary Society, established
that year in Richmond. His benevolence was practical,
and whenever and wherever good objects were to be
effected, he was ready to lend his aid. He was among the
earliest emigrants to Africa. At the close of his farewell
sermon in the first Baptist meeting house in the city, be-
fore his departure, he remarked in substance as follows : —
'' I am about to leave you ; and expect to see your faces
no more. I long to preach to the poor African the way of
life and salvation. I do not know what may befall me,
whether I may find a grave in the ocean, or among savage
men, or more savage wild beasts on the coast of Africa ;
nor am I anxious what may become of me. I feel it my
duty to go ; and I very much fear, that many of those who
preach the gospel in this country, will blush when the
Saviour calls them to give an account of their labours in
his cause, and tells them, * I commanded you to go into all
the world, and preach the gospel to every creature :' (and
with the most forcible emphasis he exclaimed:) the Saviour
may ask — * Where have you been ? What have you been
doing ? Have you endeavoured to the utmost of your
ability to fulfil the commands I gave you— or have you
sought your own gratification and your own ease, regard-
less of my commands { * **

Being twice married, he lost his second wife shortly after
arriving at Sierra Leone. Of her triumphant death, he
gives a most affecting account in his journal of that date.
On his arrival in Africa, Lott Carey saw before him a
wide and interesting field, demanding various and powerful
talents, and the most devoted piety. His intellectual
ability, firmness of purpose, unbending integrity, correct

% ^tilntte fat t^ jltgnr.

judgment, and disinterested benevolence, soon placed him in I
a conspicuous station, and gave him a ¥dde and conunaiid-
ing influence. Though naturally diffident and retiring^ bis
worth was too evident to allow of his remaining in obscurity.
An American writer, in speaking of this intelligent Hegro
about this period of his life, makes the following obser-
vations : — ^' Lott Carey is now more than forty years of
i^e. He is possessed of a constitution peculiarly fitted for
toil and exposure; and has felt the effects of climate per-
haps less than any other individual on the Cape. He has
always shown that sort of inflexible int^prity and correct-
ness of deportment towards all which necessarily commands
respect ; but he will probably never be able to divest him-
self of a kind of suspicious reserve towards White people, i
especially his superiors, which imiversally attaches itself to
those reared in Slavery. The interests of the colooiesy
and the cause of his countrymen, both in Africa, and in
this country, lie near his heart. For them he is willing
to toil, and to make almost any sacrifice; and he has
frequently declared, that nothing could induce him to |
return.**

The peculiar exposure of the early emigrants, the scan-
tiness of their supplies, and the want of adequate medical
attention, subjected them to severe sufferings. To relieve
these, Lott Carey obtained all the information in his power
concerning the diseases of the climate, and the proper
remedies. He made liberal sacrifices of his property in
behalf of the poor and distressed, and devoted his time
almost exclusively to their relief. His services as a phy*
sician to the colony were invaluable, and were long ren-
dered without hope of reward. He was made Health
Officer and General Inspector of the Settlement of Mon-
rovia, but he refused for some time to accept any other ^jSF
civil office. During the sickly season of the year, he was \/^
mostly occupied in attending the sick, having no other phy-
sician among them. But amidst his multiplied cares and

% €nMt fot tjn Mtiti.

efforts for the colony, he never neglected to promote civili-
zation and Christianity among the natives.

In 18S6, Carey was elected vice-agent of the colony, and
dischaiged the duties of that important office till his death,
which occurred in 1828, in the most melancholy manner.
One evening, while he and several others were engaged in
making cartridges to defend the colony against a Slave-
trader, a candle was accidentally overturned, which ignited
some powder, producing an explosion which resulted in
the death of eight persons. Carey survived for two days.
Such was the unfortunate death of this active Coloured
apostle of civilization on the coast of Africa, where his
memory will long be cherished. The career which he pur-
sued, and the intelligence which marked his character,
prove that the race of Blacks is not destitute of moral worth
and innate genius, and that their culture would liberally
produce an abundant harvest of the best principles and
those results which dignify human nature.

TSSTIXOHT 07 JOSEPH STUBOS BSSPSCTIHG THB
IHTELLECTUAL F0WEB8 OJ THE HEGBO.

(OOXMUNICATBD TO THE AUTHOR.)

Sirmingham, 11 mo., 17, 1847.
Esteemed Friend,

I am in receipt of thy letter, expressing a wish that I
would state in writing, my opinion whether the natural or
acquired intellectual powers of man are affected by the
colour of his skin.

My opportunities of personal observation, extend only
to the West Indies, and (with the exception of one or two
of the Slave States) to those parts of the United States
where Slavery does not exist ; but where the prejudice
against colour is greater than in the very heart of Slavery.
What I have seen has, however, long brought conviction to
my own mind, that those who would brand their brethren

■>?>

\^._vi 1 ^_ j_* Ixl. jA _j _!• * ^ ? ?j 1 xl I

% €nMt fax t|i Mt^n,

T^'' ^y creation with the stamp of inferiority, because they are 1
" guilty of a skin not coloured like their own," not only
maintain a doctrine opposed to divine revelation, but to
the records of history and experience, and the results of all
candid and dispassionate observation.

It is not disputed that the people of different nations
hare traits of character peculiar to themselves, and that
these traits may be materially influenced by the constitu-
tion of the Government which rules over them. When
they are Slaves and have no protection from the arbitrary
will of their ovmers, the degrading effect is often so great
and permanent, that it not only affects the immediate ob-
ject, but becomes to a certain extent hereditary, requiring
successive generations under the happy influence of free-
dom fully to remove, though we have many bright excep-
tions to this, even amongst those who have been bom and
grown up as Slaves themselves. It is, however, a remark
which I have heard made by others, and which is confirmed
by my own observation, that the Black and Coloured chil-
dren, even of Slaves, and who are Slaves themselves, while
too young to feel the evils and degradation of their lot,
show a brightness and quickness of capacity, which is
fully equal, if not superior, to that of White children who
are born free. This holds good when they are compared
with White children bom in tropical climates, and there-
fore cannot be attributed to the early development of the
faculties in those climates.

I will only quote the following testimony in favour of
my views, from Ebenezer Read, the master of Walmer's
Free School, which has a large endowment, administered
by the corporation of Kingston in Jamaica, where it is
situated. I visited this school in 1837. The number of chil-
dren on the list was about 500, and from 1815, it had been
open to, and was attended by, White, Black, and Brown
children. The master stated that '^ for the last 35 years
he had been employed in that city, in the tuition of all

<V^

\ .',

% €xMt fst t^ Jltgm*

classes and colours^ and had no hesitation in saying that
the children of Colour (which included Black) were equal
both in conduct and ability to those who were White ;
that they had always carried off more than their proportion
of prizes, and at one examination, out of seventy prizes
awarded, sixty-four were obtained by children of Colour."
Multitudes of proofs, equally strong, might be added
to this, demonstrating that when ^^God made of one blood
all the families of the earth,*' he also endowed them with
talents and capacities, which, however they may be modi-
fied or altered by external circumstances, gave no section
of the human family a right to boast that they inherited
any superiority which might not in the course of events,
be claimed and manifested, with equal justice by those
whom they most despise.

I am, respectfully,

JOSEPH STURGE.

)]

COBKELIirS.

In 1801, the mission of the Moravians in the Danish
Island of St. Thomas was deprived of one of the most
intelligent and useful native assistants, who for more than
fifty years had walked worthily of his calling by the Gos-
pel — the Negro Cornelius : a man in many respects distin-
guished among his countrymen.

About the year 1750, he became concerned for the sal-
vation of his soul, and felt a strong impulse to attend the
preaching of the missionaries, and their private instructions.
Being baptized, he ever after remained faithful to the
grace conferred upon him. He had an humble and grow-
ing sense of the depravity of his heart, and made daily
progress in the knowledge of Christ.

He was blessed with a good natural understanding, and
having learned the business of a mason, received the appoint-
ment of master-mason to the royal buildings, in which

3 k

% €iaMt fat tlft jitp.

employment he was esteemed by all who knew him, as a I
clever, npright, and disinterested man. He laid Qxe foundation
of six chapels belonging to the mission in the Danish islands.
He was able to write and speak the Creole, Dutch, Danish,
German, and English languages. Till 1767, he was a Sla^e
in the royal plantation, afterwards belonging to Count Schim-
melman. He first purchased the freedom of his wife, and
then laboured hard to gain his own liberty, which he effected
after much entreaty and the payment of a considerable ran-
som. God blessed him and the work of his hands in such
a manner, that he also purchased by degrees the emancipa-
tion of his six children.

In 1754, he was appointed assistant in the mission. After
his emancipation, he greatly exerted himself in the service
of the Lord, especially among the people of his own Colour,
and spent whole days and nights in visiting them. He pos-
sessed a peculiar talent for expressing his ideas with gpreat
clearness, which rendered his discourse pleasing and edify-
ing to White people as well as to Negroes. Yet he was by
no means elated by the talents he possessed. His character
was that of an humble servant of Christ, who thought too
meanly of himself to treat others with contempt. To dis-
tribute to the indigent, and assist the feeble, was the delight
of his heart, and they always found in him a generous and
sympathizing friend, and faithful adviser.

Whilst zealously exerting himself in promoting the
welfare of his countrymen, he did not neglect the con-
cerns of his family. We have heard how sedulously he cared
for their temporal prosperity, in working hard to purchase
their freedom. But he was more solicitous for the welfare
of their souls. God blessed his instructions, and he had
the joy of seeing his whole family share in the salvation of
the Lord. Being found faithful, they were employed as
assistants in the mission.

The infirmities of age increasing upon him, Cornelius
ardently longed to depart and be with Christ. A constant

% €xMt fsx tjiB Jligra.

cough and pain in his side damped his great activity, caused
occasional dejection of mind, and seemed at times to shake
his faith and fortitude. He now and then complained of
a declension of his love to Jesus ; and once, while medita-
ting on that text — " I have somewhat against thee, because
thou hast left thy first love," he exclaimed, ''Ah! I too
have left my first love ! " A few days before his end, being
visited by one of the missionaries, he said, '' I ought to
have done more, and loved and served my Saviour better.
Yet I firmly trust that He will receive me in mercy, for I
come to Him as a poor sinner, having nothing to plead but
His grace, and righteousness through His blood." His
children and several of his grandchildren having assembled
roimd his bed, he addressed them in a very solemn and
impressive manner to the following efiect : —

" I rejoice exceedingly, my dearly beloved children, to
see you once more together before my departure, for I
believe that my Lord and Saviour will soon come and take
your father home to himself. You know, dear children,
what my chief concern has been respecting you, as long as
I was with you ; how frequently I have exhorted you not
to neglect the day of grace, but to surrender yourselves
with soul and body to your Redeemer, and to follow Him
faithfully. My dear children, attend to my last wish and
dying request. Love one another! Do not suffer any
quarrels and disputes to arise among you after my decease.
No, my children,*' raising his voice, '' love one another cor«
dially : let each strive to shew proofs of love to his brother
or sister; nor suffer yourselves to be tempted by any-
thing to become proud, for by that you may even miss of
your soul's salvation, but pray our Saviour to grant you
lowly minds and humble hearts. If you follow this advice
of your father's, my joy will be complete, when I shall
once see you all again in eternal bliss, and be able to say
to our Saviour — Here, Lord, is thy poor imworthy Cor-
nelius, and the children Thou hast given me. I am sure

% ^rikite fiit % jgisp.

our Saviour will not forsake you ; but, I beseech you, do
not forsake Him^^ He fell gently asleep in Jesus^ on the ^
29th of November, being about 84 years of age.

XOSAVIAH XI88I0H8 AX0HO8T THE HSOBOSS OP

THE WEST IKDIES.

The account of Cornelius just related, affords an evidence
of the success attending the efforts of the early Moravian
Missions in the Danish West India Islands, of which men-
tion was made, and some interesting particulars given, in
Part I. of this volume.

The early attempts towards the conversion of the Negroes
met with great opposition from the Planters. When Count
Zinzendorf visited these Islands in 1739, a few years after
the first efforts to introduce Christianity amongst the
Slaves, he found them in a state of unusual oppression,
because it was imagined that if they became Christians,
they would also become more intelligent, and then it would
be impossible for the trifling number of White people — ^in
comparison yrith whom the Blacks were fifty, if not a hun*
dred, to one — to keep such an immense hiunber in awe.
Their conversion was also opposed, because the Negro
women, if converted, would no longer yield themselves to
a licentious life.

For these, and other causes, the Whites endeavoured to
prevent the Blacks from becoming Christians. But the
Negroes, unwilling to be restrained, their desire for salva-
tion being incredibly great, were treated very harshly, and
in some instances with cruelty, A public tumult was once
excited in St. Thomas, and the missionaries were threat-^
ened to be sent out of the Island, because they taught the
Slaves to be better Christians than their masters. The <rr\:
Negroes' Meeting House was entered in a boisterous man- I -
ner, and the poor creatures were beaten most cruelly, and I
chased away with oaths, curses, and horrid blasphemies.

Lil)

% €iMt for t^ jlfgrn.

These things, however, made the Gospel sweeter to
them, and they received it with joy and many tears : yet
so strong did the current of persecution become, that Zin-
zendorf, unable to do anything towards effectually prevent-
ing it, determined to return to Europe, and refer the matter
to the Danish Government. The Negroes wept much at
the thoughts of losing him, and assured him they would
continue faithful to the Saviour. Before the Count took
his departure, the awakened Negroes in St. Thomas drew
up a letter to the King of Denmark, in the Creolian tongue,
stating their distress to him in very natural expressions,
and most pathetically entreating that they might not
be prevented from becoming acquainted, through the
ministry of the missionaries, with our Lord Jesus Christ,
for their eternal salvation. This was written in 1739, and
signed by several of them, in the name of 650 Negroes.
A similar letter was addressed to the Queen of Denmark,
and signed by a Negro woman, in the name of 250 of her
own sex, concerned for the salvation of their souls.

The Count brought with him from St. Thomas, a Negro
named Andrew, who was not only awakened, but an assis-
tant in the Negro Church ; a very hopeful young man,
whose liberty the Coimt had purchased, that he might visit
the churches in Germany, and afterwards return to minister
to his own people. Andrew is described in the Memoirs
of Coimt Zinzendorf, as " a pleasing instance of the power-
ful grace which operated at that time amongst the
Slaves."

Would our limits allow, numerous evidences might be
adduced of the operation of divine grace on the hearts of
the Negroes in the Danish West Indies. Oldendorp's
accoimt of the Moravian Missions in those Islands abounds
^ni) with evidences of this kind. To that work I must refer
the reader, after giving a few translations from it,
kindly made for me by my friend Martha Shipley, of
Headingley.

1 ^lilmte fitt % Htp.

FABTI0UXAS8 BBSPECTIKO DATlDy ABRAHAM, AKD OTHSXS OV TttC

BLACK ASSISTANT M188IONABIE8. 4U\

Abraham was an assistant Missionary in St. Croix»
about the year 1758. He and others are thus mentioned
in connection with Brother J. G. Rantsch : — " The native
assistants he found efficient^ and some of them eminently
useful helpers. He acknowledged that without their aid
he could not have carried out his extensive plan of labour.
^^ The assistant David^ (of whose gifts and successful la-
bours among his people mention has been several times
made in this History) he recognized as a servant of the
Lordf and an ornament of the Negro congregation, by
whom he was much beloved and esteemed. Besides him,
the helper Abraham was useful in holding lectures, differ^it
classes, and in speaking publicly at funerals.**

Some, both male and female assistants, were so circum-
stanced that they could make visits into districts not easily
accessible to the missionaries. Maria Magdalena, and
Catherine Barbara visited the fellow-believers of their own
sex, in the south of the island, to endeavour by private
communications to promote their growth in the knowledge
of Christ. At another time they visited the west of the
island, and were everywhere received with joy. Similar
visits were made by the helpers David, Nathaniel^ Henry,
and Abraham.

BXrSASVA.

In Susanna, who died in 1755, evidence was afforded how
great and blessed is the operation of divine grace on the
most corrupt of human hearts. Before she was brought
by the power of the Gospel from Satan to God, she was
known as an uncommonly vicious and profligate person.
She became so much changed as to be the astonishment of
alL On her bed of sickness, she had no greater solicitude
than to be vdth her Saviour.

JOAS,

Of the Mandingo nation, was baptized in 1750. He

:^^^. ^a

a €nMi fssx tin jlfgra*

became, through grace, a meek and gentle man, and found
great comfort in the knowledge of the Redeemer, to whom
he thought he could never be sufficiently grateful, for
having brought him out of darkness into his marvellous
light. During his sickness, which was consumption, the
only occupation which afforded him comfort and joy, was
meditating on the Saviour who had died for him on the
cross. His earnest desire to be with Christ was fulfilled by
his happy release in November, 1755.

PXTIB AXD ABBAHAX.

In 174S, Abraham was chosen as Peter's colleague.
Both were useful in public teaching. Their discourses
were evangelical, and had for their subjects, reconciliation
by the death of Jesus, and the grace which the sinner may
obtain through Christ. The character of Peter showed
itself in all his communications, which were full of love and
gentle feeling, and found an entrance into the hearts of his
audience.

Abraham was more energetic ; his discoiirses had much
strength, which carried his hearers along with him. To
listen to him his Coloured brethren hastened in great num-
bers. Many White persons also came to hear him, and
listened with astonishment. By one of his sermons on the
occasion of a Negro funeral in 1744, the whole of the con-
gregation was much affected. Besides having an excellent
special gift in preaching, he also possessed much experi-
ence, love, patience, and wisdom. He had an advantage
over the White teachers in perfectly understanding the
Negro language, in which the former were deficient, and
was also better acquainted than they were with the Negro
character, superstitions, habits, and dispositions. When
the Brother Rantsch, during his visit, in 1745, heard Abra-
']) ham*s public testimony, he confessed it was with humili-
ation and reverence that he considered the powerful
working of the grace of God in this Slave, and through
him in many others.

a '^rilntb fet % jltp*

The decease of this Negro is thus recorded by Olden- ] ^
dorp : — '^ In 1759, the mission lost the aged assistant Abra-
ham^ in a very melancholy manner. He had lived for nine
years at Krumbay^ where he not only had the oversight of
the Negroes on that plantation, but also had the charge of
testifying to the Negroes of this district the salvation virhich
is in Jesus Christ, and administering exhortation and con-
solation to them. In June, he gave to one of the Negroes
under him permission to bring a bundle of fire-wood to the
village to sell, on condition that he first carried fodder for
the horses. This Negro, whose name was Joshua, was
bringing his wood to market without fulfilling the condi-
tion required. In order to resent this disobedience, Abra-
ham stepped in the way, threw the bundle from his head,
and insisted upon his obedience. Joshua refused to turn
back, and endeavoured to make his way to the village by
another path. At this Abraham became so angry that he
endeavoured to compel him to his duty, when Joshua in a
great rage seized his knife, threw Abraham to the ground,
gave him several stabs, and then went away. Abraham's
wounds were soon bound up, and he was taken to the vil-
lage for better assistance, but they were of such a nature
as to leave but little hope of recovery.

The believers among his people, hastened in numbers to
their honoured teacher, to wait upon him, and help him,
in his painful situation ; and he employed his little remain-
ing strength in testifying to them, that he remained stead-
fast to the doctrine he had so often laid before them, and
was ready to leave this world with joy, earnestly exhorting
them to continue in the same faith, and not to neglect their
day of gracious visitation. During the night, whilst con-
versing with two of the brethren who sat up with him, his
purified spirit departed, the 10th of June, 1759. His
remains were interred the same day at Newhemhut, on
which occasion there was a large gathering of both White
persons and Negroes, many tears being shed. The Negro ^

a tribute fiit t^ jltp.

congregation lost in him their most gifted teacher, and the
labourers in the mission their most trusty assistant. For
more than twenty years he had laboured for the spreading
of the knowledge of Jesus Christ amidst many sufferings,
and his labours were eminently blessed. His public tes-
timonies were full of power and unction, and even where
they did not penetrate the hearts of his hearers, never failed
to excite their astonishment.

After his murderer had wandered about the bush for
some days, in despair, he delivered himself up in a repen-
tant state of mind to the judge, candidly acknowledged his
crime, and received his punishment from the executioner.
Full of confidence in the mercy of the Saviour, he sub-
mitted to the sentence of death, and showed much firmness
at the time of execution.

It was my intention to have inserted some sketches or
outlines of addresses delivered by the Black assistant mis-
sionaries of the Danish islands on various occasions, but
space will not admit. They may not equal those of Watts
or Doddridge in style, but they breathe the same spirit.

IHTELLieEHT AFBICAH&

One of the missionaries at Sierra Leone accompanied
the Niger expedition in 184S, sanctioned by government,
for extending the missionary operations up the Niger.
They took with them a liberated African, named Samuel
Crowther, who, when a boy, was taken from a Slave ship,
and educated in the Society's school at Sierra Leone, and
who made so much progress both in theological and general
knowledge (being able to read the Greek Testament) that
he was sent to England to be presented as a candidate for
holy orders to the Bishop of London. Another native,
named King, likewise accompanied the expedition, and
when the health of the Europeans failed, he was deemed
competent to be left in charge of the model farm at the

^^.t

% €rilMtt for % 3J»grn.

^ confluence of the Tshadda and the Niger. Another native, I
^^ Simon Jonas, was employed in forming the treaties which
Captain Trotter entered into with chiefs below the con-
fluence. The competency of that individiuJ was most
striking. Mr. Schon drew up a paper in which he details
the proceedings of Simon Jonas, in carrying on a commu-
nication with King Obi, on the subject of Slavery. The
mode of his carrying on a negotiation is illustrative of the
power of the native African, with a moderate degree of
training in Sierra Leone, to become a really efficient agent
in imparting knowledge to his countrymen.

A HEOBO SLAVE AHD POET.

Dr. Madden has made a translation of the life of a Slave
recently liberated in Cuba, written in Spanish, whose name,
for various reasons, he thinks it advisable not to publish.
It was my intention to have given an outline of this history
as well for its interest, as exhibiting a clearness of style
and composition highly creditable to a self-taught Negro
Slave. Space will only admit of a few extracts in addition
to the information already given, at pages 130 and 131 of
the present volume.

It would be tedious, says he, to detail the particulars of
my early history, in which there was nothing but happiness.
At the age of twelve years, I had composed some verses in
memory, not being wished to learn to write. I dictated
them by stealth to a young Mulatto girl named Serafina,
which verses were of an amatory character.

I passed on without many changes to my fourteenth
year ; but the important part of my history began when I
was about eighteen, when fortune's bitterest enmity was
turned on me. For the slightest crime of boyhood, I was ;
shut up in a place for charcoal, for S4 hours at once. I -
was extremely timid, and my prison was so obscure, that j
at mid-day no object could be distinguished in it without

a Crilrab fiit % jlfgrn*

a candle. Here, after being flogged, I was placed, with

orders to the Slaves, under threats of the greatest punish*

ment, to abstain from giving me a drop of water. What I

suffered from hunger and thirst, tormented with fear, in a

place so dismal, and almost suffocated with the vapours

arising from the common sink close. to my dungeon, and

terrified by the rats that passed over me, may be easily

imagined. My head was filled with frightful fancies, and

I often imagined I was surrounded by evil spirits, and

praying aloud for mercy, I would be taken out and almost

flayed alive, and again shut up. This kind of punishment

was so frequent that every week I suffered a like martyrdom

twice or thrice. I attribute the smallness of my stature

and the debility of my constitution to the life of suffering

I led, daily receiving blows on the face that often made

the blood spout from both my nostrils.

We passed five years in Matanzas, where my employ*
ment was to sweep and clean the house at sunrise, before
any one was up ; this done I had to seat myself at the door
of my mistress, that she might find me there when she
awoke, then I had to follow her about wherever she
went, like an automaton, with my arms crossed. When
meals were over, I had to gather up what was left, and
clear away the dishes, and when they rose j&om table I had
to walk behind. Then came the hour of sevring ; I had to
seat myself in sight of my mistress to sew women's dresses,
to make gowns, &c., and mend all kinds of clothing.

At the hour of drawing, which a master taught, I wa^
stationed behind a chair, and what I saw done, and heard
corrected and explained, made me count myself as one of
the pupils of the drawing-class. One of the children gave
me an old tablet and a crayon ; and next day I began
I making mouths, eyes, and ears, imtil I perfected myself, so
as to be able to copy a head so faithfully, that my master
said I would turn out a great artist.
At night I had to go to sleep at some distance, where my

ia €nMt far tjit JIfgrn.

mother lived (in the Negro barracones). My only comfort
was to fly to her arms^ who, with my brother Florence waited
up till my arrival.

More than twice they sat up for me while I was in con-
finement in the stocks for a trifling ofience, waiting a sor-
rowful morning. My mother, all anxiety when I did not
come, used to approach where the stocks were, and call to
me, ^^ Juan," and I, sighing, would answer her, and then
she would say outside, ^^ Ah, my child ! " and call on her
husband in his grave — for at this time my father was dead.

Three times I remember the repetition of this scene, at
other times I used to meet my mother seeking me — once
above all, a memorable time to me — when the event which
follows happened : —

We were returning from the town late one night, when
the carriage was going very fast, and I was seated as usual,
with one hand holding the bar, and having the lanthorn in
the other ; it fell out of my hand ; I jumped down to get
it, but such was my terror, I was unable to come up with
the carriage. I followed, well knowing what was to come;
when I came to the house, I was seized by the mayoraL
Leading me to the stocks, we met my mother, who giving
way to the impulses of her heart, came up to complete my
misfortunes. On seeing me, she attempted to inquire what
I had done, but the mayoral ordered her to be silent, and
treated her as one raising a disturbance. Without regard
to her entreaties, and being irritated at being called up at
that hour, he raised his hand, and struck my mother with
the whip. I felt the blow in my own heart ! To utter a
loud cry, and from a downcast boy, with the timidity of
one as meek as a lamb, to become all at once like a raging
lion, was a thing of a moment — ^with all my strength I feU
on him with teeth and hands, and it may be imagined how
many cuffs, kicks, and blows, were given in the struggle
that ensued.

My mother and myself were carried off and shut up in

^r.-^-

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^^'

■r^

,w-

% €nhvk fnr tjn Mtitt.

the same place ; two twin children were hrought to her to
suckle, while her own were left weeping alone in the hut.
Scarcely had it dawned, when the mayoral, with two Ne-
groes acting under him, led us as victims to the place of
sacrifice. I suffered more pimishment than was ordered,
in consequence of my attack on the mayoral. But who
can describe the powers of the laws of nature on mothers?
the fault of my mother was, that seeing they were going to
kill me, as she thought, she inquired what I had done, and
this was su£Scient to receive a blow and to be further chas-
tised. At beholding my mother in this situation, for the
first time in her life, (she being exempted from work)
stripped and thrown down to be scourged, overwhelmed
with grief and trembling, I asked them to have pity on
her for God*s sake ; but at the sound of the first lash, in-
furiated like a tiger, I flew at the mayoral, and was near
losing my life in his hands ; but let us throw a veil over the
rest of this doleful scene.

There never passed a day without bringing some trouble
to me ; I cannot relate the incredible hardships of my life,
full of sorrows ! My heart sickened through sufferings :
once after having received many blows on the face, and
that happened almost daily, my mistress said, " I will make
an end of you before you are of age."

From my infancy I was taught to love and fear God,
and my trust in him was such, that I always employed part
of the night in praying to God to lighten my sufferings, and
preserve me from mischief ; and I firmly believe my prayers
were heard, and to this I attribute the preservation of my
life once on occasion of my running away.

Although oppressed with so many sufferings, sometimes
I gave way to the impulses of my naturally cheerful char-

^ acter. I used to draw decorations on paper, figures on

^ cards or pasteboard, &c.

/ About this time I went to the lady of Senor Apodaca,

^ i a grandee of Havannah. A painter was employed there in

% €iMi bi % JlSrgra.

punting some emblems. I helped him, and he gave roe
ten dollars for my work, and having for amusement painted
some garlands, he saw that I might be useful to him, and
asked my mistress to lend me to him, but she would not
consent ; at the conclusion of his work he gave me two
dollars more.

As I was treated with kindness, I began to be more calm
and composed, and to forget the late harsh behaviour to-
wards me. I wrote a great many sonnets. Poetry requires
an object, but I had none to inflame my breast — this was
the cause of my verses being poor. I was very anxious to
read every book or paper that fell in my way, and if I met
with any poetry I learnt it by heart. When my mistress
had company she had always some poet invited, who recited
verses and composed sonnets extempore ; I had in a comer
of the room some ink in an egg-shell, and a pen, and while
the company applauded and fiUed their glasses with wine,
away I went to mj comer, and wrote as many verses as I
could remember.

Three or four months after this, my mistress turned
cross and peevish, and was continually threatening me.
Beheving tliat if I could go to Havannah I should have my
liberty, I began to think seriously about escaping. One
morning when all the people were at church, a free servant
called me aside, and said in a whisper, " my iriend, if you
suffer, it is your own fault; make your escape, and present
yourself before the Captain-General at Havannah, state
your ill treatment to him, and he will do you justice •" at
the same time showing me the road.

I waited till twelve o'clock ; saddled a horse for
the first time in my life, and put on a bridle, but with
such trembling I hardly knew what I was about; after
that, I knelt down, said a prayer, and mounted. I i
thought nobody saw me, but knew afterwards I was seen
by several of the Negroes, who offered no impediment to
my flight.

%)«(|

Jn] 31 '^rilrate for % Mt^n.

li)

Dr. Madden has translated some of the poems composed
by this Slave, specimens of which must close the foregoing
extracts from his life. " A few of these poems," says the
Doctor, ^' I have put into English verse, rendered so as to
give the sense of the writer (sometimes purposely obscured
in the original) as plainly as practicable. To leave no doubt
of their authenticity, I have deposited the originals in the
Spanish language, in the hands of the Secretary of the
Anti-Slavery Society. To form a just opinion of their
merit, it is necessary to consider the circumstances under
which they were written, which cannot be estimated by one
ignorant of the nature of Cuban Slavery.**

TO CALUMNY.

SiLiKCB, aadaoious wiekednesB which aims
At honour's breast, or strikes with driftless breath,

The lightest word that's spoken thus defames,
And where it falls inflicts a moral death.

If, with malign, deliberate intent,

The shaft is sped, the bow thai ribrates yet

One day will hurt the hand by which 'tis bent.
And leave a wound its malice justly met.

For onoe the winged arrow ia sent forth,
Who then may tell where, when, or how 'twill hXi ?

Or, who may pluck its barb from wounded worth,
And send it back, and swiftly too withal.

BELiaiON.

Txa, tho' in gloom and sadness I may rise,

One blessed strain can soothe my troubled soul,
"So sooner wakened than with streaming eyes.

Upward I look, and there I seek my goal.
Soaring in spirit o'er the things of earth,

The spark imprisoned bursts its bonds of clay ;
I feel delight aboTe all human mirth.

And wrapt in loTe, I lire but then to pray ;

To thee, dear Father I — ^mighty and supreme I

Immense ! eternal ! infinite ! and blest I
Oh, how the grandeur of the theme doth seem

To enlarge my thoughts, and to inflame my breast.

% €tMt fiir tjn Jltgnt.

Hail, blessed fkith ! thou only hope and trust,
Solace most sweet, and stay of hope most sure ;

Thou sole support and shield of the oppreat,
The weak, the wronged, the wretched, and the poor.

In thee, all trouble is absorbed and lost ;

In ey'ry breath of thine there's yital air ;
Whose mild and genial influence, the just

Bejoioe to find, the wretched e*en may share.
For thee, when darkness brooded o*er the land,

A remnant, fiadthful to the law they feared,
Still wept and sighed — ^*till mercy's hour at hand.

The mighty standard of the cross was reared.

Then in the depths of fear, as by a spell.

The Toioe of hope was heard, the tidings glad.
Of truth eternal, figo* and wide were spread,

And demons trembled as their idols fell ;
But soon the foe of truth and justice came.

Far worse there's none than tyranny can prore.
That fitting agent of a spirit's aim.

Indocile ever to the God of love.

But Tain was all that monster's rage renewed.

Thousands of martyrs fell beneath its sway ;
Still in that cradle purpled with their blood,

The infimt fiuth waxed stronger every day.
Now the triumphant gospel is our guide.

Our sure conductor to eternal light :
The future vast ; the heavenly portals hide

Their joys no longer firom our spirit's sight.

'Tis thou, O GK>d, by faith who dost reveal

Mysterious wonder to our senses weak :
When thou dost speak to hearts that deeply feel.

And humbly hear when thou dost deign to apeak.
Oh, when the mantle of thy peace descends.

How the soul then exults in her attire I
The garb of grace to every thought extends,

And wraps reflection in seraphic fire.

In thee, I find aU purity and peaoe^
All truth and goodness, wisdom hr above

All worldly wisdom, might beyond increase,
And yet surpassing these, unbounded love.

a €tMt fst t|i jlfp.

oil, tliat its lights were shed on those whose deeds
Belie the doctrines of the church they claim ;

Whose impious tongues profane their father's creeds.
And sanction wrong, e*eai in religion's name.

Oh, God of mercy, throned in glory high,

O'er earth and all its miseries, look down
Behold the wretched, hear the captive's cry.

And call thy exiled children round thy throne !
There would I £un in contemplation gaze.

On thy eternal beauty, and would make
Of love one lasting canticle of praise.

And every theme but that henceforth forsake.

THIRTY YEAES.

When I think on the course I have run,
From my childhood itself to this day,

I tremble, and fain would I shun.
The remembrance its terrors array.

I marvel at struggles endured,

With a destiny frightful as mine.
At the strength for such efforts : — ^assured

Tho' I am, 'tis in vain to repine.

I have known this sad life thirty years,
And to me, thirty years it has been

Of suff'ring, of sorrow and tears,
Ev'ry day of its bondage I've seen.

But 'tis nothing the past — or the pains.
Hitherto I have struggled to bear.

When I think, oh, my God ! on the chains.
That I know I'm yet destined to wear.

THE CUCUTA; OE FIRE-FLY.

The fire-fly is heedlessly wandering about,

Through field and through forest is winging his routes

As free as the butterfly sporting in air.

From flower to flower it flits here and there :

Now glowing with beautiful phosphoric light.

Then paling its lustre and waning in night :

It bears no effulgence in rivalry near,

But shrouds ev'ry gleam as the dawn doth appear.

It sparkles alone in the soft summer's eve,
Itself, though unseen, by the track it doth leave.

3 M

a (Erihttb for tjit JBtgrn.

The youth of the TiIlAge at night-fall pursae
O'er hill and o'er dale, ae it oomee into view ;
Now shining before them, now loet to their eyes.
The sparkle they catch at, just twinkles and dies ;
And the mead is one moment all spangled with fire.
And the next, eveiy sparklet is sure to expire.

On the leaf of the orange awhile it disports,
When the blossom is there, to its cup it resorts.
And still the more brightly and daitzling it shines,
It baffles its tiny pursuer's designs.
But see the sweet maiden, the innocent child.
The pride of the village — as fair as the wild
And beautiful flowers she twines in her hair —
How light is her step, and how joyous her air !

And oft as one looks on such brightness and bloom.
On such beauty as hers, one might enyy the doom
Of a captire " Cuouya," that's destined like this.
To be touched by her hand, and renved by her kiss j
Imprisoned itself by a mistress so kind.
It hardly can seem to be closely confined.
And a prisoner thus tenderly treated in fine^
By a keeper so gentle, might cease to repine.

In the cage which her delicate hands haye prepared.
The captiye " Cucuya" is shining unscared.
Suspended before her, with others as bright,
In beauty's own bondage revealing their light.
But this amongst all is her favourite one.
And she bears it at dusk to her alcove alone,
'Tis fed by her hand on the cane that's most choice.
And in secret it gleams, at the sound of her voice.

Thus cherished, the honey of Hybla would now
Scarce tempt the '* Cuouya" her oare to forego ;
And daily it seems to grow brighter, and gain
Increasing effulgence, forgetting its pain.
Oh ! beautiful maiden, may heaven accord,
Thy care of the captive, its fitting reward ;
And never may fortune the fetters remove.
Of a heart that is thine in the bondage of love.

^^^3

iib

■^

lX^

a €nhvk far tlit jltgrn.

THE CLOCK THAT GAINS.

Ths Clock's too fast they say ;
But wKat matter how it gains !

Time will not pass away
Any faster for its pains.

The tiny hands may race
Bound the circle, they may range,

The Sun has but one pace.
And his course he cannot change.

The beams that daily shine
On the dial, err not so,

For t)iey*re ruled by laws divine,
And they vary not, we know.

But though the Clock is fast,
Yet the moments I must say,

More slowly never passed.
Than they seemed to pass to-day.

THE DREAM.

APDBBSBSD TO XT TOUNGSB BBOTHEB.

Thou knoweet, dear Florence, my sufiferings of old.
The struggles maintained with oppression for years,

We shared them together, and each was consoled

With the whispers of love that were mingled with tears.

But now, far apart, this sad pleasure is gone,
We mingle our sighs and our sorrows no more ;

The course is a new one that each has to ran,
And dreary the prospect for either in store.

But in slumber, our spirits, at least, shall commune.
Behold, how they meet in the visions of sleep ;

In dreams that reoal early days, like the one
In my brother's remembrance, I fondly would keep.

For solitude pining, in anguish of late
The heights of Quintana I sought, for repose,

And there of seclusion enamoured, the weight
Of my cares was forgotten— I felt not my woes.

Exhausted and weary, the spell of the place
Soon weighed down my eyeUds, and slumber then stole

So softly o'er nature, it lefk not a trace
Of trouble or sorrow, o'ercaating my souL

<f^'

% "^rMt fat % Mt^n.

I Beemed to aaoend like a bird in the air,

An<i the piniona that bore me, amased me the more ;

I gaied on the plnmage of beauty bo rare,

Ab they wared in the snn, at each effort to soar.

My spirit aspired to a happier sphere.
The buoyancy even of youth was surpassed ;

One effort at flight not diyested of fear.
And the flutter ensued, was successful at last.

And learing the earth and its toils, I look down.
Or upwards I glance, and behold with surprise.

The wonders of GKkl, and the firmament strewn
With myriads of brilliants, that spangle the skiee.

The ocean of ether around me, each star

Of the zodiac shining, above either pole
Of the earth as a point in the distance afiur.

And one fli^ of the wing, serres to trayerse the whole.

The bounds which confine the wide sea, and the height
Which separates earth from the heavenly spheres ;

The moon as a shield I behold in my flight.
And each spot on its earbioe distinctly appears.

The valley well known of Matanzas is nigh.

And trembling, my brother, I gaze on that place.

Where, cold and forgotten, the ashes now lie
Of the parents we dung to in boyhood's embrace.

How the sight of that place sent the blood to my heart,

I shudder e'en now to recal it, and yet
I'd remind you of wrongs we were wont to impart.

And to weep o'er in secret at night when we met.

I gazed on that spot, where together we played.
Our innocent pastimes came fresh to my mind ;

Our mother's caresses, the fondness displayed.
In each word and each look of a parent so kind.

The ridge of that mountain, whose fastnesses wild

The fugitives seek, I beheld, and around
Plantations were scattered of late where they toiled.

And the graves of their comrades are now to be found.

The mill-house was there and its turmoil of old,
But sick of these scenes, for too well they were known ;

I looked for the stream, where in childhood I strolled
By its banks when a moment of peace was my own*

>- «»

a ^tMt for tju jlfgn.

But no recollections of pleasure or pain

Gould drire the remembrance of thee from my core ;
I sought my dear brother, embraced him again,

But found him a Slave, as I left him before.

" Oh, Florence," I cried, " let us fly from this place,
The gloom of a dungeon is here to a£Eright !

'Tis dreadful as death or its terrors to face.
And hateful itself as the scaffold to sight.

" Let us fly on the wings of the wind, let us fly,

And for ever abandon so hostile a soil
As this plaoe of our birth, where our doom is to sigh

In haplsss despair, and in bondage to toil.'\

To my bosom I clasped him, and winging once more
My flight in the air, I ascend with my charge,

The sultan I wpm of the winds, as I soar,
A monarch whose wiU sets the prisoner at large.

Like Icarus boldly ascending on high,

I laugh at the anger of Minos, and see
A haven of freedom aloft, where I fly.

And the plaoe where the Slave from his master is free.

The rapture whicli Dosdalus inly approved

To Athens fr^m Crete, when pursuing his flight.

On impetuous pinions, I felt when I moved
Through an ocean of ether, so boundless and bright.

But the moment I triumphed o'er earth and its fears.
And dreamt of aspiring to heavenly joys :

Of hearing the music divine of the spheres,
And tasting of pleasure that care never cloys,

I saw in an instant, the face of the skies.
So bright and serene but a moment before.

Enveloped in gloom, and there seemed to arise
The murmur preceding the tempest's wild roar.

Beneath me, the sea into fury was lashed.
Above me, the thunder rolled loudly, and now

The hurricane round me in turbulence dashed.
And the glare of the lightning e'en flashed on my brow.

The elements all seemed in warfare to be,

And succour or help there was none to be sought ;

The fieite of poor Icarus seemed now for me.

And my daring attempt its own punishment brought.

a ^rihtt fiff t|i jitgra.

'Twas then, oli, ^ Gtod ! that a thunder-dap camey
And the noise of its crash broke the slumbers so lights

That stole o'er my senses and fettered mj frame,
And the dream was soon over, of freedom's first flight.

And waking, I saw thee, my brother, onoe more;

The sky was serene and my terrors were past ;
But doubt there was none of the tempests of yore,

And the clouds that of old, our young hopes overcast.

FBEDEBICK DOVeiASS

Was bom a Slave^ on a plantation in Marjland, about
the year 1817, and remained in that servile condition till
about twenty-one years of age, when he effected his escape
from fetters and chains. The history of his life of Slavery,
which has been widely circulated,* presents a dismal
picture of what is endured by the Negro race in the Slave>
holding states of the Union.

The narrative of Douglass, written by himself, consider-
ing how long and dark was the career he had to run as a
Slave, in the poorest school for the human heart and in-
tellect, and how few have been his opportunities for subse-
quently improving his mind, is highly creditable to his head
and heart. He who can peruse it without a tearful eye, a
heaving breast, an afflicted spirit, — without being filled
with an abhorrence of Slavery and all its abettors, and ani-
mated with a determination to seek the immediate over-
throw of that execrable system, — ^must have a flinty heart
indeed. It presents no exaggerated picture of Slavery.
Many have suffered incomparably more, while few on the
plantations have suffered less, than himself. Yet how de-
plorable was his situation! what terrible chastisements
were inflicted upon his person! what still more shocking
outrages were perpetrated upon his mind! with all his
noble powers and sublime aspirations, how like a brute

* Narratiye of the Life of Frederick Douglass, an American SlaTe, writ-
ten by himself. DubUn : Webb and Chapman. 1846.

% ^rilitttt for % jBrgri-

was he treated, even by those professing to have the same
mind in them that was in Christ Jesus ! to what dreadful
liabilities he was continually subjected ! how destitute of
friendly counsel and aid, even in his greatest extremities !
How heavy was the midnight of woe which shrouded in
blackness the last ray of hope, and filled the future with
terror and gloom ! What longings after freedom took pos-
session of his breast, and how his misery augmented, in
proportion as he grew reflective and intelligent, — thus de-
monstrating that a happy Slave is an extinct man ! How
he thought, reasoned, felt, under the lash of the driver,
with the chains upon his limbs ! what perils he encountered
in his endeavours to escape from his horrible doom ! and
how signal have been his deliverance and preservation in
the midst of a nation of pitiless enemies !

The narrative of Douglass contains many affecting inci-
dents, many passages of great eloquence and power; per-
haps the most thrilling one of all is the description he gives
of his feelings, as he stood soliloquizing respecting his fate,
and the chances of his one day being a free man, on the
banks of the Chesapeake Bay — viewing the receding vessels
as they flew with their white wings before the breeze, and
apostrophizing them as animated by the living spirit of
freedom. Who can read that passage, and be insensible to
its pathos and sublimity ? '* Compressed into it is a whole
Alexandrian library of thought, feeling, and sentiment —
all that can, all that need be urged, in the form of expos-
tulation, entreaty, rebuke, against the crime of crimes, —
making man the property of his fellow-man ! O, how ac-
cursed is that system, which entombs the god-like mind of
man, defaces the divine image, reduces those who by crea-
tion were crowned with glory and honour, to a level with
four-footed beasts, and exalts the dealer in human flesh
above all that is called God ! Why should its existence be
prolonged one hour ? Is it not evil, only evil, and that con-
tinually ? What does its presence imply but the absence

a €nMt kt % Jlfgra.

of all fear of God, all regard for man, on the part of
the people of the United States ? Heaven speed its eternal
overthrow ! "

What a disgrace on Free and Enlightened America!
Here we have a man in physical proportions and stature
commanding and erect, in intellect richly endowed, in
natural eloquence a prodigy, in soul manifestly " created
but a little lower than the angels ; " yet a Slave, aye, a
fugitive Slave, trembling for his safety on American soil.
Capable of high attainments as an intellectual and moral
being, almost without an education, an ornament to society,
and yet, by the law of his country, by the voice of its
people, by the terms of the Slave Code, only a piece of
property, a beast of burden, a chattel personal, never-
theless !

It would be superfluous to say much here respecting the
talents of Douglass, which are so self-evident. Few have
not had an opportunity of judging of his abilities for them-
selves, and thus increasing their respect for him and for his
race. As a public speaker, he excels in pathos, wit, com-
parison, imitation, strength of reasoning, and fluency
of language, frequently giving utterance to many noble
thoughts and thrilling reflections, and his eloquent appeals
have extorted the highest applause of multitudes on both
sides of the Atlantic. " There is in him,'* says W. L.
Garrison, *^ that union of head and heart, which is indis-
pensable to an enlightenment of the heads, and a winning
of the hearts of others. May his strength continue to be
equal to his day ! May he continue to grow in grace, and
in the knowledge of God,' that he may be increasingly ser-
viceable in the cause of bleeding humanity ;" and let the
calumniators of the Coloured race despise themselves for
their baseness and illiberality of spirit, and henceforth cease
to talk of the natural inferiority of those who require no-
thing but time and opportunity to attain to the highest
point of human excellence.

<IT^-'^

^<--6-^ .v^

% iKrihttte for tilt jlfgrn.

OB8SBYATI0V8 OH VXOBO CHABACTXB AHD ABILITY,

COMMUNICATF.D BY DR. WINTERBOTTOM. OF SOUTH AHIBLDe, IN A
LETTER TO THE AUTHOR DATED MARCH •TH, 18A8.

For more than half a century, I have felt a strong and
sincere attachment to the much injured African. In 1792,
I went out to x\frica in the service of the Sierra Leone
Company, and resided in Free Town four years, as physi-
cian to the Colony. Here I had, of course, abundant op-
portunities of observing the Negro character, and if my
unbiassed testimony can be of any avail, I declare it as my
opinion, that the Negro in his native country, is of a mild
and benevolent disposition, hospitable, and capable of strong
and warm attachment to those who treat him with kindness.
I speak from much experience, having repeatedly visited
the African in his native country, passed tha night in his
hut, and partaken of his kindness and hospitality.

With respect to their powers of mind, I consider the
Africans to be upon a level with the generality of Europeans.
The schools of Free Town and the neighbouring districts
are crowded with as fine children as we usually meet with
in England ; and they can produce as perfect specimens of
active, intelligent, and sprightly pupils^^ as are to be found
in any of our British schools of the same class.

The natives of Africa, in general, live in a state of gross
ignorance and idolatrous superstition, the Mahometans ex-
cepted. But they duly appreciate the advantages of edu-
cation, and are, tmiversaUyj anxious to have their children
taught to read and write. A Missionary settling in one of
their villages would be hailed with joy, and meet with the
utmost kindness and respect.

Allow me to add, that my brother, captain of one of the
Sierra Leone Company's vessels, accompanied my excellent
^ friend, Mr. Watt, in his visit to Teembo, capital of the
Foulah country. They travelled on foot upwards of 500
miles, and were, everywhere^ most kindly and hospitably
received, particularly at the capital by the king.

TT-^

a €xMt for % Sigrn.

In a letter subsequently received from Dr. Winterbot-
tom^ the following addition on this subject occurs : —

Upwards of half a century has elapsed since my return
from that very interesting country^ Africa ; of course many
circumstances have escaped my recollection^ but I must
ever remember with pleasure and with gratitude, the uni-
form kindness shown to me by my Black brethren.

I have been acquainted with several extremely intelligent
Africans. Mr. Cooper, a friend of mine, was particularly
noticed by the Governor and Whites of the colony. He
was very gentlemanly in his appearance and manners, and
well informed. He set to music, for the use of the church,
Pope's beautiful ode " Vital Spark," which I have listened
to with much pleasure, as sung by the sweet voices of the
very devout Black women.

Among the liberated Africans I have had many in-
stances related to me since I left the colony, of men, who,
until the age of manhood, had never seen or heard of a
letter, making such progress in reading, writing, and arith-
metic, as to be now able to manage the accounts of a store,
or large shop, and also the details of a vessel's cargo. Many
of the women are equally expert. The children in the
schools are also extremely quick and docile.

From what I have seen, it is my solemn and unbiassed
opinion^ that education alone constitutes the whole differ-
ence between the European and the African.

I am, dear Sir, yours truly,

THOS. M. WINTERBOTTOM.

r/^

SICAVA, A KA7IB CHIB7.

During his last illness, the mind of this enlightened
Chief was elevated above the world by the hope of eternal r-
blessedness. Feeling that he had but a short time to live, j
so long as he was able to speak he explained to those around I
him the nature and importance of the Christian's hope ;

1]3>

a €jMt fat % Mtin.

exhorting them to faith in Christ, whatever sacrifices their
constancy might cost them ; and he expired in the midst
of his people, in a truly Christian manner, resigning his
soul into the hands of that Saviour who had redeemed him,
exclaiming, " Come, Lord Jesus, come quickly ; I commit
my soul into thy hands; it is thine, for thou hast re-
deemed it by thy blood."

Sicana was a poet, and composed hymns, which he re-
peated to his people, till they could retain them upon their
memories. The following specimen of his poetical abilities,
the people are still accustomed to sing to a low monoto-
nous air.

XJlin guba inkulu siambata tina
Ulodali bom' uadali pezula,
XJmdala uadala idala izula,
Yebinza inquinquis zixeliela.
Utika umkula gozmiline,
Yebinza inqulnqais nozilimele.
Umze uakonana subiziele,
Umkokeli ua sikokeli tina,
Uenza infama zenza go bond ;
Imali inkula subiziele,
Wena wena q'aba inyaniza,
Wena wena kaka linyaniza,
Wena wena klati linyaniza ;
Invena inli*inani subiziele,
Ugaze laku ziman'heba wena,
Usanbla zaku ziman'heba wena,
XJmkokili ua, sikokeli tina :
Ulodali bom* uadali pezula,
Umdala uadala idala izula.

TBANSLATION.

Mantle of Comfort ! God of Love !

The Ancient One on High !
Who guides the firmament above,

The heavens and starry sky ;

Creator — Buler — Mighty One j
The Only Good,— All-wise ;

To Him, the Great Eternal God,
Our fervent prayers arise.

a inh\t fer t^ jitp.

Giver of life, we oall on Him,

On His high throne above.
Our Bock of Befuge still to be,

Of safety and of love.

Our trusty shield, our sure defence.

Our leader still to be,
We call upon our pitying God,

Who makes the blind to see.

We supplicate the Holy Lamb
Whose blood for us was shed,

Whose feet were pierced for guilty man.
Whose hands for us have bled.

Even our God who gave us life,
From Heaven, His throne above,

Tlie great Creator of the world.
Father, and God of Love.

Jakb Braoo.

JASXIV THOVXAZXAV

Was bom in Africa, in 1714. He was brought to St,
Domingo and sold for a Slave, when 22 years of age.
Obtaining his freedom, he married, and in 1756 established
a hospital at the Cape for poor Negroes and Mulattoes.
More than forty years were devoted by him and his wife
to this benevolent Institution, and his fortune was subser-
vient to the wants of its inmates. The only regret they
felt, while their time and substance were devoted to these
destitute objects, arose from a fear, that after they were
gone, the hospital might be abandoned.

The Philadelphia Society at the Cape, and the Agricul-
tural Society at Paris, decreed medals to Jasmin, who died
near the close of the century.

PAUL CTTFFJS.

This intelligent, enterprising, and benevolent Negro,
was the youngest son of John Cuffe, a Negro dragged
from his home and connexions, and sold into Slavery, in

1, v^

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% €rihitte fur tjn Jltgra.

which he remained most of his life ; hut at last^ hy good
conduct and industry^ he amassed sufficient to purchase his
freedom, and also a farm of 100 acres. He married a
woman of Indian descent, and brought up a family of four
sons and six daughters respectably, near New Bedford,
Massachusetts.

Paul was the youngest son, and when he was about
fourteen, his father dying, the care of supporting their
mother and six sisters devolved jointly upon Paul and his
brothers. The land which their father had left them
proving unproductive, afforded but little provision for the
family. They therefore laboured under great disadvan-
tages, and did not possess the means of acquiring even the
rudiments of a good education.

Paul, however, was not easily discouraged, and found
opportunities for improvement and of cultivating his mind.
Through his own indefatigable exertions, with a little
assistance occasionally, he soon learned to read and write,
and also attained a knowledge of arithmetic. Some esti-
mate may be formed of the natural talent with which he
was endowed for the speedy reception of learning, from the
fact that be acquired such a knowledge of navigation in
two weeks, as enabled him to command a vessel in voyages
which he subsequently made to England, to Russia, to
Africa, the West Indies, and several ports of the United
States.

Paul CuflRe's three brothers continued respectable far-
mers at Westport. Paul, however, was inclined to the pur-
suit of commerce. He conceived that it furnished more
ample rewards to industry than agriculture, and being con-
scious that he possessed qualities which, under proper cul-
ture, would enable him to pursue commercial employments
with success, he entered at the age of sixteen, as a common
hand onboard a vessel destined to the Bay of Mexico, on a
whaling expedition* His second voyage was to the West
Indies ; but on his third, which was during the American

% ^rihttte fer t^ Jk^. ''

war, he was captured by a British ship. After three ^ \
months' detention as a prisoner at New York, he returned ^
to Westport, where, owing to the continuance of hos-
tilities, he spent about two years in agricultural pursuits.

The Free Negro population of Massachusetts being ex-
cluded from all. participation in the rights of citizenship,
bearing, however, a full share of every state burden, Paul,
though not yet twenty years of age, felt deeply the injus-
tice done to himself and his race, and resolved to make an
effort to obtain for them the rights which were their due.
Assisted by his brother, he drew up and presented a re-
spectful petition on the subject to the state legislature.
Notwithstanding the prejudices of the times, the propriety
and justice of the petition were perceived by a majority of
the legislative body, and an act was passed, granting to the
Free Negroes all the privileges of White citissens. This
was a day equally honourable to the petitioners and to
the legislature ; in which justice and humanity triumphed
over prejudice and oppression; it should be gratefully
remembered by every person of CJolour, and Paul CufK
should always be united in its recollection. This enactment
was not only important as far as regarded the state of Mas-
sachusetts ; the example was followed at different periods
by others of the united provinces, so that the exertions of
Paul Cuffe and his brother influenced permanently the
welfare of the whole Coloured population of North America.

Paul, being now about twenty years of age, again turned
his attention to commercial pursuits, encountering many
adverse circumstances under which most men would have
sunk. He began with an open boat, but by prudeuce and
perseverance, he was at length enabled to obtain a good
sized schooner, then a brig, and afterwards a ship. By
judicious plans and diligence in their execution he gradually p
increased his property. In 1806, he owned a ship, two
brigs, and several small vessels, besides considerable pro- j
perty in houses and lands. In a pecuniary point of view

L<'

% €nMt fiir % Mt^u.

he became not only independent, but had wherewith to
contribute largely to the relief of others, and of the African
race especially.

Some idea may be formed from the following circum-
stance, of the low estimation in which the African race are
held, and of the energy required to rise above the crushing
weight of prejudice. One of Paul's voyages was to Vienna
in Nanticoke Bay. On his arrival, the inhabitants were
filled with astonishment, and even alarm ; a vessel owned
and commanded by a Black man, and manned with a crew
of the same colour, was unprecedented and surprising The
fear of a revolt on the part of their Slaves was excited
among the inhabitants of Vienna, and an attempt was made
to prevent Paul from entering the harbour. On examina-
tion, his papers proved to be correct, and the custom-house
officers could not legally refuse the entry of his vessel.
Paul combined prudence with resolution, conducting hun-
self with candour, modesty, and firmness ; and his crew
behaved, not only inoffensively, but with a conciliating pro-
priety. In a few days the inimical association vanished,
and the inhabitants treated the Negro captain and his crew
with respect and even kindness. Many of the principal
people visited his vessel, and at the pressing invitation of
one of them, Paul dined with his family in the town. He
sold his cargo, received in lieu of it three thousand bushels
of Indian com, which he conveyed to Westport, where it
was in great demand, and it yielded our hero a clear profit
of a thousand dollars.

Paul Cuffe experienced the disadvantages of his limited
education, and he resolved, as far as it was practicable, to
relieve his children from similar embarrassments. The
neighbourhood had neither a tutor nor a school, though
many were desirous one should be established. Paul con-
vened a meeting for making arrangements to accomplish
this object, the great utility of which was so evident. A
collision of opinion respecting mode and place occasioned

a €n\ivk fax % Jltgnr.

them to separate without arriving at any conclusion. Per-
ceiring that all efforts to procure a union of sentiment were
fruitless, Paul took the matter into his own hands, and
erected a school-house on his own ground, entirely at hb
own expense, and threw it open to the public* How gra-
tifying to humanity is this anecdote ! and who that justly
appreciates human character, would not prefer Paul Cuffis,
the son of an African Slave, to the proudest statesman that
ever dealt destruction amongst mankind ?

In his person, Paul Cuffe was tall, well formed, and athletic ;
his deportment conciliating, yet dignified and prepossess-
ing ; his countenance blending gravity with modesty and
sweetness, and firmness with gentleness and humanity ; in
speech and habit plain and unostentatious. His whole ex-
terior indicated a man of respectability and piety ; and reli-
gion, influencing his mind, added, in advancing manhood,
to the brightness of his character, and confirmed his dispo-
sition to practical good. He joined the Society of Friends,
and became a minister amongst them, frequently exercising
his gift to comfort and edification.

When the state of his affairs were such, as to render it
necessary that all his resources should be employed in the
pursuit of his private concerns, Paul Cuffe was still de-
sirous in some way to advance the interests of the ccnnniu-
nity. When he was prevented from pursuing his business
during the rigours of the winter, he often devoted his time
in teaching navigation to his sons and the young men in
the neighbourhood. On his voyages, he imparted a know-
ledge of this invaluable science to those imder him, and
had the honour of training up, both amongst the White
and Coloured population, a considerable number of skilful
navigators.

Paul Cuffe was upright in all his transactions in trade ;
knowing himself to be accountable to God for the mode of
using and acquiring his possessions, he believed it to be bis
duty to sacrifice private interest rather than engage in any

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11)

31 €nkk for tljB JSrgrn.

enterprise, however lawful in the eyes of the world, or how-
ever profitable, that had the slightest tendency to injure
his fellow-men. On this ground, he would not deal in in-
toxicating liquors or in Slaves, though he might have done
either, without violating the laws of his country, and with
considerable pecuniary gain. What an incalculable de-
crease would there be in the aggregate of human misery
were all Christians willing to follow the example of this
despised son of Ethiopia, and be actuated by a similar
spirit.

Being naturally possessed of a tender, feeling mind, Paul
Cuffe deeply mourned over the degraded and miserable
condition of his African brethren ; and in his active exer-
tions in their behalf, he shone forth most conspicuously as
a man of worth. He observed many benevolent men en-
deavouring to release them from bondage, and to instil
into their minds the light of knowledge and religion, but
the force of interest and prejudice combined, operated so
powerfully, as to give the Negro but little encouragement
to hope for an advancement to respectability in a state
of society where so few incentives to improvement were
afforded them.

Such being the case, Paul Cuffe turned his attention to
Sierra Leone, believing from various communications, that
his endeavours to contribute through it to the welfare
of his fellow-men, might not be ineffectual. His affairs
being in a flourishing state, and being desirous to ap-
propriate a portion of what he had received from an ever-
bountiful Providence to the benefit of his unhappy race,
he embarked in 1811, in his own brig " Traveller," manned
entirely by persons of Colour, his nephew, Thomas Wainer,
being the captain. After a short passage, they arrived at
Sierra Leone, when he acquainted himself with the state
and condition of the colony, having frequent conversations
with the Governor and principal inhabitants, and sug-
gesting important improvements. Amongst others, he

- A

a Crihati firr tjjt 3gfgrn.

recommended the formation of a society for promoting die
interests of its members and the colonists in general;
which was immediately formed, and named " The FriendlT
Society of Sierra Leone," being principally composed of
respectable Men of Colour. The following epistle emanated
from this society. It bears the marks of native beauty and
simplicity, breathing a Christian spirit throughout.

" ' To the saints and faithful brethren in Christ ; grace
be unto you, and peace from God our Father, and from
the Lord Jesus Christ,'

" We desire to bumble ourselves with thankful acknow-
ledgment to the Father and Fountain of all our mercies,
for the liberty and freedom we enjoy. And our prayer to
God is, that our brethren who live in distant lands and are
held in bondage, groaning under the galling ch^n of Sla-
very, may be liberated, and enjoy the freedom that God has
granted unto all.

" Dearly beloved brethren in the Lord, may the power
and peace of God rule in all your hearts, for we feel, from
an awful experience, the distresses that many of our African
brethren groan under ; therefore our minds are engaged to
desire all the professors in Christ, diligently to consider our
case, and to put it to the Christian query : whether it is
agreeable to the testimony of Jesus Christ, for one professor
to make merchandize of another? We ore desirous that this
may be made manifest to the professors of all Christiao
denominations, who have not abolished the holding of
Slaves.

" We salute you, beloved brethren, in the Lord, with
sincere desires that the work of regeneration may be more
and more experienced. It would be a consolation to us, :
to hear from the saints in distant lands, and to receive all [
who are disposed to come unto us, with open arms. ^

" Our dearly beloved African brethren, we also salute

a €xMt fat tju jBgri-

you in the love of God. Be obedient unto your masters^
^th your prayers lifted up to God, whom we would re-
commend you to confide in, who is just as able in these
days to deliver you from the yoke of oppression, as he hath
in times past brought your forefathers out of the Egyptian
bondage. Finally, brethren, may the power and peace of
God rule in all your hearts.

** * Grace be unto you, and peace from God our Father,
and the Lord Jesus.' "

This epistle was signed by sixteen respectable Men of
Colour. Let the candid reader decide who are Christians,
such men, or their tyrannical oppressors ?

After remaining about two months at Sierra Leone, Paul
Cuffe sailed to England ; for the African Institution, ap-
prised of his benevolent designs, forwarded him an invita-
tion which induced him to come over, bringing with him a
cargo of African produce. For the more effectual promo-
tion of his primary object, he left his nephew, Thomas
Wainer, in the colony, and brought with him to England,
Aaron Richards, a native of Sierra Leone, with an inten-
tion of educating him, and particularly of instructing him
in the art of navigation.

From the exertions of one individual, however ardently
engaged, we ought not to form too high expectations ; but
from the little information that can be obtained of his en-
deavours among the colonists at Sierra Leone, and the
open reception he met with amongst them, there are strong
grounds for hoping that the seeds of improvement he scat-
tered, were not sown upon an unfruitful soil.

Paul Cufie, with his brig " Traveller," navigated by eight
Men of Colour, arrived at Liverpool, in the 8th mo. 1811 ;
and the crew during their stay, " were remarkable for their
good conduct, and proper behaviour; and the greatest
cordiality appeared to prevail amongst them." * They

* liverpool Mercury.

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a ^rihiite ftr % Sjgra.

remained in England about two months, where Paul met
with every mark of attention and respect. He visited Lon-
don twice, the second time at the request of the Board of
the African Institution, who were desirous of consulting
with him as to the best means of carrying their beneTolent
views respecting Africa into effect. Having an opportunity
of laying his intentions, and opening his prospects before
the association, they cordially acquiesced with him in aU
his plans, and gave him authority to carry over from the
United States a few Coloured persons of good character,
to instruct the colonists in agriculture and mechanical
arts.

To the honour of the British government, Cuffe sailed
from England with a license from them to prosecute his
voyage to Sierra Leone, carrying with him some goods as
a consignment to the " Friendly Society," to encourage
them in the way of trade.

Is it possible to conceive a more animating spectacle
than a vessel commanded by a free and enlightened African,
trading to the port of Liverpool, not many years before,
the nidus of the Slave Trade ! and to see him prosecuting
his voyages, with a vessel not laden with instruments of
destruction, cruelty, and oppression, but manned with
Sable, yet free and respectable seamen, rescued from the
galling chain of Slavery, and now employed in honourable
commerce ?

Having again safely arrived at Sierra Leone, delivered
the goods, and given some salutary instructions, CufiPe
once more set sail for America.

Thus terminated his two first missions to Africa ; under-
taken from the purest motives of benevolence, and almost
entirely at his own expense and risk. Unwearied, he went
about doing good, devoting most of his time and talents
to benevolent purposes. — Christian reader, canst thou be-
lieve that such a man was possessed of a soul inferior to
thine own ?

/TIP

% €tMt ftr tin Mt^ti.

On Paul Cuffe's arrival in his native land, he was joyfully
welcomed by his family and friends, and every comfort
awaited his command. But the sufferings of his fellow-
creatures, groaning under cruel oppression, and groping
in the dark and horrible night of heathenish superstition
and ignorance, were indeUbly stamped on his mind. He
could not rest at ease ; nor think of enjoying comfort and
repose whilst he might be instrumental in the hand of Pro-
vidence in meHorating their sufferings. Far from being
discouraged by the labours and dangers he had already un-
dergone, and unmindful of the ease which the decline of
life requires, and to which his long continued exertions
gave him a peculiar claim, he renewed his benevolent la-
bours. Scarcely had the first transports of reioicin&f at
U. „.™ .o J w™ of hi. M Ad M» J.„b.iid.
ere he prepared for another voyage to Sierra Leone.

In the hope of finding persons of the description given
by the African Institution, qualified to instruct the colo-
nists in agriculture and mechanical arts, he visited most
of the large cities in the United States, held frequent con-
ferences with the most respectable Men of Colour, and
others who had distinguished themselves as the firiends of
the Negro ; recommending them to form associations for
the furtherance of the work in which he was engaged.
Societies were formed in Philadelphia and New York, and
a number of eligible Coloured persons were selected, who
were willing to go vdth him and settle in Africa. Before
he was ready for the voyage, the war commenced between
America and Great Britain. This formed a barrier to his
operations, which he was so anxious to prosecute, that he
travelled to Washington, a distance of about 600 miles, to
solicit the favour of Government in his intended under-
taking, and to obtain permission to carry with him those
persons and their effects who had volunteered to accom-
pany him to Sierra Leone. Although his plan was highly
approved, his application proved unsuccessful, the policy of

% €iMt for t||t JItgni.

the (Jovemment not admittiiig of such an intercourse with
an enemy's colony. He had therefore no other alternative
than to remain quietly at home, and wait the event of the
war.

The delay thus occasioned, instead of diminishing his
ardour, was employed in improving and maturing his plans,
and in extending his correspondence, which already em-
braced some of the most distinguished philanthropists.
On the termination of the war, he prepared for his depar-
ture, and towards the end of the year 1815, he sailed with
thirty-eight Africans, who were to give instmctimi at
Sierra Leone, in farming and the mechanical arts. After
a voyage of fifty-five days, they landed safely <ni the soil
of their forefathers.

In his zeal for the welfare of his race, Paul Cufie bad
considerably exceeded the instructions of the African Insti-
tution, by which he was advised to carry over in the first
instance, six or eight persons ; he had therefore no daim
for the passage and other expenses attending the removal
of any above that number. This he had previously con-
sidered, generously resolving to bear the expense of thirty
himself, rather than deprive any w^o were engaged, of an
opportunity of going where they might be so beneficially
employed. When these persons were landed at Sierra
Leone, it was necessary to provide for the destitute until
they were able to do so for themselves. For this also,
he applied to his own resources ; so that he expended out
of his private funds nearly 4000 dollars for the benefit of
of the colony.

On his arrival at Sierra Leone, he presented his passen-
gers to the Governor, who gave to each family a small
piece of ground in the town, and thirty to fifty acres of
land, according to their number, about two miles distant

Paul Cufie remained at the colony this time about two
months. On tiiis occasion he drew up an address to his
African brethren, containing much affectionate advice and

K--1

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\\ % €xMt fer tjiB Mt%n.

pious exhortation, the general tenor of which may he
judged of from the following extracts : —

" Beloved friends and fellow-countrymen, I earnestly
recommend to you the propriety of assembling yourselves
together to worship the Lord your Grod. God is a Spirit,
and they that worship him acceptably, must worship him
in spirit and in truth.

'' Come, my African brethren, let us walk in the light
of the Lord ; in that pure light which bringeth salvation
into the world* I recommend sobriety and steadfastness ;
that so professors may be good examples in all things. I
recommend that early care be taken ^to instruct the youth^
while their minds are tender ; that so they may be pre-
served from the corruptions of the world, from profanity,
intemperance, and evil company.

'* May servants be encouraged to discharge their duty
with faithfulness ; may they be brought up to industry,
and may their minds be cultivated for the reception of the
good seed, which is promised to all who seek it. I want
that we should be faithful in all things, that so we may
become a people giving satisfaction to those who have
borne the burden and heat of the day, in liberating us from
Slavery."

These appear to have been the simple expressions of his
feelings ; the language of his heart. When he took his
departure, it was like a father taking leave of his children,
receiving the tokens of overflowing affection, commending
them with pious admonition to the protection of Almighty
God. "I leave you," says he, in the concluding part of his
address, — " I leave you in the hands of Him who is able to
preserve you through time, and crown you with that bles-
sing which is prepared for all who are faithful to the end."
^^ In 1817, Paul Cuffe was seized with a complaint which
proved fatal. During his illness, which continued about
half-a-year, the subject of ameliorating the condition of his
race continued deeply impressed on his mind, and his

% €nMt ftr tin Mt^^

decaying powers were occupied in an extensive correspon-
dence with their friends. Though now unable to serve
them as he had done, he was gratified in finding his views
adopted by a number of the most benevolent and influ-
ential men in America.

Such then, is a hasty sketch of Paul Cuffe ; pourtraying
the activity of his labours in behalf of the African race.
His whole life may be said to have been spent in their
service. To their interests he devoted the acquisitions of
his youth^ the time of his later years, and even the thoughts
of his d3ring pillow ! He died in 1817^ his labours and his
life being thus terminated in the 59th year of his age.

" As a private man," says Peter Williams, " Paul Cufie
was just and upright in all his dealings, an aflTectionate
husband, a kind father, a good neighbour, and a faithful
friend. Pious without ostentation, he manifested in all his
deportment that he was a true disciple of Jesus; and
cherished a charitable disposition to professors of every
denomination, who walked according to the leading prin-
ciples of the gospel. Regardless of the honours and plea-
sures of the world, in humble imitation of his Divine master,
he went from place to place doing good ; looking not for
his reward among men, but in the favour of his heavenly
Father. Thus walking in the ways of piety and usefulness,
in the smiles of an approving conscience, and the favour of
God, he enjoyed through life, an unusual serenity and
satisfaction of mind ; and when the fatal messenger arrived
to cut the bonds of mortality, it found him in peace, ready
and willing to depart. In that solemnly interesting period,
when nature with him was struggling in the pangs of dis-
solution, such a calmness and serenity overspread his soul
and manifested itself in his countenance and actions, that
the heart of the greatest reprobate, at beholding him, would
respond to the wish, ' Let me die the death of the right-
eous, and let my last end be like his.'

'* A short time previous to his final close, feeling sensible

W-/^

1*^

f "^w

% €xMt fax t^i jljgrn.

that his end was near, he called bis family together to bid
them adieu ! It was an affecting scene : a scene of inex-
pressible solemnity — of tears and bitter anguish on the one
hand, and christian firmness and resignation on the other.
His wife and children, and several other relatives being
assembled around him, he reached forth his enfeebled hand,
and after shaking hands with each, and giving them some
pious advice, he commended them to the tender mercies
of Jehovah, and bade them all a final farewell."

Having taken leave of his family, and commended them
to the care of God, his mind seemed almost entirely occu-
pied in anticipating tlie glory of which he would shortly
be made a partaker, and in contemplating the blessedness
of being for ever with his Redeemer. To one of his
neighbours who came to visit him, he said, " Not many
days hence and ye shall see the glory of God ; I know that
my works are all gone to judgment before me ; and soon
after he added, " It is all well, it is all well."

Thus did he experience a happy transition from works
to rewards, from a state of trial and probation to a glorious
never-ending eternity! Whatever the shade of his complexion
might be, his faith was steadfastly fixed on the Redeemer,
in the merits of whose sufferings and death he most surely
believed, and through whom he had a well-grounded hope
of eternal lile.

The following extract from an American paper, affords
an additional testimony to the character of this excellent
man : — " Died, at Westport, on the 7th of Sept., Paul
Cuffe, a very respectable Man of Colour, in the 69th year
of his age. A descendant of Africa, he overcame by native
strength of mind, and firm adherence to principle, the pre-
judices with which its descendants are too generally viewed.
Industrious, temperate, and prudent, his means of acquiring
property, small at first, were gradually increased ; and the
strict integrity of his conduct gained him numerous friends,
to whom he never gave occasion to regret the confidence

■0■^

a €xMt for tjft j5rgrn.

they had placed in him. His mercantile pursuits were
generally successful ; and, blessed with competence, if not
with wealth, the enlarged benevolence of his mind was
manifested, not only in acts of charity to individuals, and
in the promotion of objects of general utility, but more
particularly in the deep interest he felt for the welfare of

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